IFC NewsList - Irish Republican News - June 2002

IFC NewsList  -  June 2002

BACK to SEARCH - IFC NewsList Archives



 06 28 02 - Portlaoise Prison Asbestos Threat 

06 27 02 - “Direct Action” - British Spy Post hit

06 25 02 - “Steaknife” a key figure in “secret” Treaty process?

06 24 02 - US Constitution Upheld 

06 21 02 - A License to Murder 

06 20 02 - POW Crisis Situation Publicized in London 

06 15 02 - Collusion Documented: RUC, British Intelligence plotted murders

06 15 02 - Protest against BBC Media Blackout  

06 14 02 - Exposed: Security Force Links to Loyalist Killer Gangs 

06 13 02 -  Wheatfield Prison Tactics Exposed – POW Mick Kenny

06 11 02 - Continuing Abuse to Family of Republican POW Ciaran McLaughlin

06 11 02 - Film Review: “Sunday” 

06 07 02 - Belfast Report: Short Strand Under Seige 

 

IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE NEWSLIST
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net

IFC POW DEPT. – ACTION REQUEST
-----------------------------

Subject: Portlaoise Prison Asbestos Threat
Date: 06 28 02

Over the past several months many of the Irish political prisoners held 
at Portlaoise Prison have become seriously ill, suffering from a variety 
of complaints. It has now emerged that secret asbestos removal 
operations have been ongoing in the prison for some time, and families 
visiting the prison have witnessed workmen in protective gear removing 
material from the walls and ceilings of the building. 

A serious precedent has already been set with POW Kevin Murray losing 
his life after a short illness incurred while serving a twelve-year 
sentence at Portlaoise. Supporters and Members of the Irish Freedom 
Committee will recall that once Kevin’s illness was recognized by the 
prison doctors after many months of complaints by fellow prisoners and 
his family members, Kevin was released to a hospital where it was 
determined that massive brain cancer was present, and was by that time 
totally inoperable. Kevin Murray was then released to his family and 
died a short time later (see link below).

Please call, email and write the Dublin Justice Department at the 
numbers and addresses below and voice your concerns as to this hazardous 
and life-threatening condition at Portlaoise Prison. DON’T LET ANOTHER 
IRISH POLITICAL PRISONER DIE!!

The statements below are from Marian Price in Belfast. 

The Irish Freedom Committee™ 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
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Re:  Portlaoise Prison Asbestos Contamination Cover Up

Prisoners' rights spokesperson Marian Price released the  following statement on behalf of the prisoners and their families.

"It is our understanding that the building housing Republican Prisoners 
has been contaminated with asbestos material. Obviously, we are 
extremely upset given the fact that one prisoner has died and several 
have taken seriously ill within the last twelve months.

" The situation was exposed after prisoners and their family members 
witnessed workmen in elaborate protective clothing within the confines 
of the prison on different occasions. However, we became alarmed when 
we learned that several employees of the prison are pursuing legal 
action in relation to asbestos contamination.

" Prison authorities when confronted confirmed that asbestos material was 
removed from the building, however they have not furnished the prisoners 
with any detail as to the exact whereabouts and if any further materials 
still remain within the building. Furthermore, they failed to inform 
prisoners or their families whilst this removal took place. In fact, 
during the continuation of this hazardous work these areas were left 
'open' allowing no safeguard from possible contamination. This is an 
outrageous situation, given the fact that asbestos is air borne.

" To date the authorities will not elaborate on their limited initial
response. Naturally this has fuelled fears for the health and well being 
of the Prisoners and their visitors.

"(We) are calling upon the 
Minister for Justice, Michael Mc Dowell to help ascertain the facts as 
to the exact extent of the contamination and to learn why the 
authorities failed to inform those directly affected by possible 
contamination."

************************************************


PLEASE WRITE OR CALL THE IRISH JUSTICE DEPARTMENT.
Ask why Irish Political Prisoners have not been moved to other locations 
while the prison is clearly engaged in removing hazardous materials from 
the building. 

Don’t let another Irish Political Prisoner die due to Irish Government 
neglect!!!

Michael McDowell
Minister for Justice
Dublin 2, Ireland
fax: (from US) 011 353 1 661-5461
tele: (from US) 011 353 1 602-8202
email: minister@justice.ie

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Why Was Irish Political Prisoner Kevin Murray allowed to Die??
http://members.freespeech.org/irishpows/bb3/kmurray.htm

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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE NEWSLIST
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
-----------------------------

Subject: “Direct Action” - British Spy Post hit
Date: 06 27 02

A bold daylight attack on a British surveillance outpost took place at 
Sheriff’s Mountain in Derry this weekend, resulting in extensive damages 
to the station and its mast. Residents of the Creggin Estate say the 
outpost has powerful cameras and listening devices trained at their 
homes. 

A photographer from the Derry News managed to capture several images of 
the attack, which have since been confiscated by RUC colonial police.

The Irish Freedom Committee will relay any news as we get it regarding 
the seizure of the newspaper’s photographs.

The Irish Freedom Committee™ 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
************************************************

Source: STORMONT-WATCH – www.voy.com/70381/
& iapl_newsroom32@hotmail.com

INTRO – This paper’s rep did hand over a disk of photos this morning at 
Court
------------------------

Derry News – Thursday – June 27 2002 - front page & inside reports.

Police to seize Derry News attack photos:

“WE BURNT DOWN SPY POST “ – Real IRA

The PSNI will today go to the courts to ask a judge to order the Derry 
News 
to hand over photographs of a Real IRA attack on what they claim is a 
clandestine British army spy post in the city.

The weekend arson attack on a communications relay station at Sheriff’s 
Mountain was originally blamed on vandals but sources close to the RIRA 
contacted the Derry News to say they were responsible.

As our exclusive pictures show, the attack occurred in broad daylight. 
Although the station is used by emergency services in the city to relay 
messages to control rooms, the dissidents have insisted it was used by 
the 
security forces to spy on local republicans.

An anonymous caller to the Derry News alleged that powerful cameras and 
listening devices on a mast at the site are trained on houses in the 
Creggan 
Estate and that undercover soldiers have been seen on a number of 
occasions 
removing items from the building under cover of darkness.

The security forces have refused to confirm or deny the claim.

The Derry News witnessed Saturday’s incident after earlier being 
informed by 
the same anonymous caller that a demonstration would be held to 
highlight 
the ‘hidden’ purpose of the mast. The protest, however, quickly became 
an 
all-out assault.

Masked Men

Shortly after three o’ clock, up to 20 masked men armed with 
sledgehammers 
and wire cutters emerged and proceeded to attack the station.

In dramatic scenes, they threw powerful fireworks at the building before 

smashing their way through the locked gates of the compound.

Once inside, a number of the men climbed up the mast and attacked 
electrical 
equipment with claw hammers.

An attempt was also made to cut the cables to the cameras – while 
another 
group began sledgehammering the doors of the switch room at the site.

Undeterred by the screech of an alarm siren, they forced their way into 
the 
building and threw car tyres inside before dousing the building in 
flammable 
liquid and setting it alight.

As a thick smoke billowed into the sky, the group made their escape on 
foot, 
running across fields in the direction of Creggan Estate.

The entire incident lasted only around 20 minutes and before they 
escaped 
one of the masked men shouted: “This is our new tactic – direct action”.

The blaze was later extinguished by fire crews from the Northland Road 
station but fire and smoke damage had already been caused to the switch 
room.

After taking legal advice, the Derry News informed the police of the 
existence of the photographs and yesterday they issued a notice of 
intention 
to seek a court order forcing the paper to hand over all material in 
relation to the attack.

If successful, the court order would compel the Derry News to hand over 
all 
“photographic negatives photographic prints, digital photographic images 
and 
the computer disc on which they were recorded…sought in connection with 
the 
offences of criminal damage and arson”.

The application is due to be heard this morning at Derry Magistrates 
Court.


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© The Irish Freedom Committee™ NewsList - IFC Updates

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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE NEWSLIST
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
-----------------------------

Subject: “Steaknife” a key figure in “secret” Treaty process?
Date: 06 25 02


“Steaknife”, the deep mole in the provisional movement referred to as 
“one of the most important double agents ever recruited by the Army”, 
has now emerged as a key player in the so-called “Peace Process”-- 
opening further speculation on what the true motivations behind the 1998 
Treaty were.

Ed Moloney’s upcoming book “The Secret History of the IRA”, to be 
released in October, promises to be an explosive read.

The Irish Freedom Committee™ 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
************************************************
Daily Telegraph
06 25 02

Panorama missed the real story of collusion in Ulster
By Ed Moloney
John Ware's two-part Panorama investigation into security force 
collusion with loyalist killers in Northern Ireland, A Licence to 
Murder, has once again placed in the spotlight the allegation that the 
Army and police intelligence services had a hand in the murder in 1989 
of the Belfast lawyer, Pat Finucane.

The case for collusion made by Panorama is simple. It is that, in the 
late 1980s, a unit of military intelligence known as the Force Research 
Unit (FRU) recruited an agent in the UDA, Brian Nelson, who became its 
intelligence chief. Assisted by his Army handlers, the charge continues, 
Nelson directed the UDA's death squads toward known IRA activists, one 
of whom, it is claimed, was Pat Finucane. 

In the background, Panorama said, were senior RUC Special Branch 
officers urging the gunmen on, energetically so in the case of Finucane. 
The charge is thus one of the gravest that can be made: that agencies of 
the state conspired in the murder of its citizens. 

The Panorama programme coincided with the completion of Sir John 
Stevens's third report into the Finucane/collusion allegations. 
It was shown at a moment when there is intense pressure to "clean up" 
intelligence operations in Northern Ireland, particularly to curb the 
old RUC Special Branch and units such as FRU, in order to make it easier 
for Sinn Fein to join the new policing board in Belfast. This would be 
the crowning achievement of the peace process, signalling the final 
absorption of the Provisional IRA into constitutional politics.

The assertion that the intelligence agencies were out of control in 
Ulster and were employing the UDA to conduct a large-scale assassination 
campaign against the IRA in the late 1980s is superficially attractive, 
not least because of its simplicity.

But it is not borne out by the facts. Had it been the case that the FRU 
and Special Branch were routinely suggesting IRA targets and 
facilitating missions carried out by UDA gunmen, the results would be 
there for all to see, in a pile of dead IRA bodies. But there is no 
pile. The UDA targeted and killed, predominantly, the people it had 
always targeted and killed, that is, innocent but easily available 
Catholic non-combatants.

So what was the purpose of the FRU relationship with Nelson? One clue 
was contained in the Panorama programme, but two others did not feature 
at all in the two-part probe. 

The first clue was the disclosure that Nelson's Army handlers initially 
saw him solely as a source of intelligence about UDA targeting 
intentions, not as someone they would use to steer the UDA to murder. He 
would tell them, in other words, whom the UDA was planning to kill.

That suggests that, initially, Brian Nelson's role was, in part, to 
alert the FRU about UDA plans to kill British agents in the IRA. Thus 
warned, the UDA could then be directed to other targets. 
As a result, it seems, of Nelson's enthusiasm and the indifference of 
his handlers, the project may then have developed into the sort of 
out-of-control enterprise described in the Panorama programmes.
The evidence that FRU did employ Nelson for this purpose comes from a 
former FRU handler who uses the pseudonym Martin Ingram, although his 
real name is known to this writer. 

According to "Ingram", FRU used the UDA intelligence chief to save the 
life of a highly placed IRA agent, codenamed Steaknife, a figure, he 
says, who was one of the most important double agents ever recruited by 
the Army.

Ingram alleges that the UDA, via Nelson and his FRU handlers, was 
steered instead towards an entirely innocent target, a Ballymurphy 
pensioner, Francisco Notarantonio, who was wrongly depicted to the UDA 
as a key IRA figure. He was shot dead at his home in October 1987 and 
Steaknife survived to continue his dangerous mission for the Army.

Ingram's allegation is a very serious one, arguably more damning, if 
true, than anything that featured in Panorama. He claims that Steaknife 
was given a virtually free hand by the FRU. 

"Whatever Brian Nelson did - and he was involved in some dastardly acts 
- Steaknife was involved in far worse situations," Ingram once told me. 
"In effect, Steaknife used the IRA as an FRU tool to carry out its dirty 
tricks."

It was around this time, in the late 1980s, that the infant peace 
process was struggling to find its feet. Those, such as Gerry Adams, who 
wished to push the organisation into politics faced the enormous problem 
of persuading IRA militants to put away their guns. One factor that did 
weaken the hardliners was a seemingly endless series of botched IRA 
operations that killed civilians.

Is it possible that Steaknife had a hand in any of these bungled 
operations, one effect of which was to make a political path more 
acceptable to the IRA rank and file? The Irish government, for one, is 
privately terrified that any probe of Steaknife will highlight precisely 
this sort of allegation.

There is other evidence suggesting that the FRU was acutely aware of the 
secret progress being made in the peace process at around this time. 
Steaknife was not the only IRA figure whose life the unit saved. 

Thanks to Brian Nelson, Army intelligence learnt that the UDA planned to 
kill Mr Adams by placing a limpet mine on the roof of his armoured car 
as he was being driven in Belfast. FRU arranged for the limpet mine to 
be discovered in a routine security search and Mr Adams lived to deliver 
the IRA ceasefires.

Writing about this incident later in his private journal, Brian Nelson 
said that his handlers had told him that assassinating Mr Adams would 
have been "totally counterproductive. Adams and his supporters were 
committed to following the political path."

Those campaigning for a full public inquiry into the allegations of 
security force collusion with loyalist groups have always ascribed 
official resistance to a dread on the part of the Government of what 
might be revealed about the Pat Finucane case.

But is there another reason? A fear, perhaps, that a probe might 
disclose evidence that, at key moments, the authorities manipulated 
events to the benefit of a very secret peace process?

-----------------------
Ed Moloney's A Secret History of the IRA is to be published by Penguin 
in October

************************************************

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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE NEWSLIST
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
-----------------------------

Subject: US Constitution Upheld
Date: 06 24 02

A US Federal judge has delivered a resounding affirmation of the United 
States Constitution, in a ruling today which unilaterally dismissed the 
US Justice Department’s case against seven men accused of funneling 
charitable donations to illegal causes in Iran.

Federal Judge Robert M. Tagasuki called the 1996 law classifying foreign 
charitable groups as terrorist; “unconstitutional at its face”. He 
referred to the secrecy of the US State Department designation of 
proscribed organizations in his ruling, saying the defendants were 
“deprived of their liberty based on an unconstitutional designation that 
they could never challenge”.

There has never been a better time to re-examine the circumstances of 
the construction of the US Constitution and the mindset of its authors. 

-----------------
“The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, 
and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be 
violated “
--The Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution 

“Those willing to give up a little liberty for a little security deserve 
neither security nor liberty.”
-- Benjamin Franklin 

"Those who deny freedom to others, deserve it not for themselves; and, 
under a just God, can not long retain it." 
-- Abraham Lincoln 

-----------------

For a full reading of the United States Constitution, including the 
attached 27 amendments and the first ten amendments known as the BILL OF 
RIGHTS; please go to:

http://members.freespeech.org/irishpows/bb3/links.htm#UNITED%20STATES%20-%20History%20and%20Rights 


The Irish Freedom Committee™ 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net

************************************************
New York Times
June 24, 2002, page A16
Case Against Seven Tied to Group Labeled Terrorist Is Dismissed
By GREG WINTER

A federal judge has dismissed the Justice Department's case against 
seven people accused of funneling charitable donations to an Iranian 
military group deemed partly responsible for the 1979 takeover of the 
United States Embassy in Tehran and still labeled a terrorist threat.

After deliberating for months, Judge Robert M. Takasugi of Federal 
District Court in Los Angeles ruled on Friday that a 1996 law passed by 
Congress to classify foreign groups as terrorist organizations is 
"unconstitutional on its face," and thus cannot be used as the basis of 
criminal charges.

That antiterrorism law, a cornerstone of the government's case against 
John Walker Lindh, the American accused of aiding a foreign terrorist 
group, makes it a crime to provide "material support" to any foreign 
organization that the State Department deems a threat to national 
security. But the law gives these groups "no notice and no opportunity" 
to contest their designation as a terrorist rganization, a violation of 
due process, Judge Takasugi ruled.

"I will not abdicate my responsibilities as a district judge and turn a 
blind eye to the constitutional infirmities" of the law, Judge Takasugi 
wrote.

Because the government made its list of terrorist organizations in 
secret, without giving foreign groups a chance to defend themselves, the 
defendants "are deprived of their liberty based on an unconstitutional 
designation that they could never challenge," he said.

The Justice Department said yesterday that it had not decided whether to 
appeal the ruling.

Wearing badges and flashing pictures of starving children, the seven
defendants stopped "unwitting travelers" at Los Angeles International
Airport for years, filling buckets with donations from passers-by, 
federal prosecutors charged.

While the group presented itself as a legitimate charity, the government 
charged that it took orders from the People's Mujahedeen, an 
organization the administration blames for the murder of at least six 
United States citizens in the 1970's.

Instead of sending money to the needy, the government contended, the
defendants wired more than $1 million into overseas accounts to sustain 
People's Mujahedeen military camps in Iraq, where the group trains under 
the protection of Saddam Hussein.

The defendants, some of whom were born in Iran but are now American
citizens, denied the charges.

Started in the 1960's by educated, middle-class youth, the People's
Mujahedeen, much like the Iranian fundamentalist movement that arose
alongside it, sought to expel the shah and purge the country of what it 
considered pervasive Western influences.

Shortly after the Iranian revolution, the secular Mujahedeen movement 
found itself at odds with a government ruled by clerics. Since the early 
1980's, the State Department says, the group has waged a sporadic war 
against the Iranian government, attacking its embassies around the 
world, bombing its oil pipelines and assassinating some of its 
high-ranking officials.

The Clinton administration listed the People's Mujahedeen as a terrorist 
organization in 1997, making it illegal to raise money for the group. 
Yet hundreds of members of Congress have balked at the label and 
embraced the Mujahedeen as a viable opposition to the Iranian 
leadership, arguing that the organization's only objective is to 
overthrow one of America's staunchest foes.

The Mujahedeen "are not our enemies, they are our allies," Senator 
Robert G. Torricelli of New Jersey, one of about 30 senators and 230 
representatives to publicly defend the organization in the last five 
years, wrote in a letter to Secretary of State Colin L. Powell last 
August.

Since Sept. 11, however, many of the Mujahedeen's former advocates in
Washington have withdrawn or tempered their support, saying that their 
tolerance for the Mujahedeen's tactics, even though they were directed 
at one of the nation's adversaries, has waned.

A year ago, the United States Court of Appeals for the District of 
Columbia Circuit ruled that the State Department had sidestepped the 
Constitution by listing the People's Mujahedeen as a terrorist 
organization without giving it a chance to argue otherwise.


Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company

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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE NEWSLIST
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
-----------------------------

Subject: A License to Murder
Date: 06 21 02

Part One of the BBC Panorama documentary, “A License to Kill”, was broadcast last night in Ireland and Britain. Many felt that the documentary might have been banned at the final hour due to the thoroughness of its investigation into extensive and ongoing collusion between British security forces and loyalist paramilitary assassins.

This documentary and the results of the Stevens Inquiry published last week (for link see below) vindicates what the families of over 100 Irish Nationalists assassinated in the North have known for years – that the British military and the British government worked hand in hand with loyalist paramilitary assassins to execute their loved ones.

This government instituted policy of extra-judicial execution puts Britain front and center for an International investigation into its numerous and ongoing War Crimes.



The Irish Freedom Committee™ 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net

************************************************
Internet broadcast of “A License to Murder: Part One”, BBC Panorama
http://news.bbc.co.uk/olmedia/cta/progs/panorama/latest.ram

(Copy and paste address into Real Player browser)


RealPlayer needed – Download Free Player here:
http://www.real.com/


Note: If you download RealOne player select “Web” view as opposed to “Radio” view.


************************************************

Links to TRANSCRIPTS of "A License to Kill" can be found here:

The Pat Finucane Center

Stormont Watch Forum

************************************************

Exposed: Security Force Links to Loyalist Killer Gangs - The Guardian, 06 14 02


************************************************
 
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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE NEWSLIST
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
-----------------------------
DISPATCH FROM IFC POW DEPT.

Subject: POW Crisis Situation Publicized in London
Date: 06 20 02

The Irish Freedom Committee™ 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
************************************************
From prisoners' rights supporters in London:

" Members of (a prisoners' rights support organization) lobbied
the British House of Commons today - to highlight the serious
situation now existing in Maghaberry prison in the North of Ireland.

" Protestors handed out leaflets headed - 'DON'T LET HISTORY REPEAT
ITSELF' - to visitors, tourists, MP's - and House of Commons 
clerical
staff luncheoning in Westminster Park!

" Spokesperson for the lobbyists Michael Holden said - ''We decided 
to lobby the Mother of Parliaments directly - as the media has 
deliberately chosen to ignore what is happening in Maghaberry prison
and are blatantly supporting government attempts to isolate and stifle
all opposition to the policy of criminalising captured combatants 
involved in the national liberation struggle. We spoke to many people
outside the House of Commons today - and found no hostility to
what we were doing. 

" Holden said -'' We are seeking a civilised solution
to this problem, it's time to introduce segregation now and end
criminalisation - before this crisis becomes irreversible.'' 
(We) are planning further protests during the summer months - the British Tourist Board Offices
and holiday destinations in the South East. ''Where the media ignore
Maghaberry prison we shall bring the message about what is happening
there to the people ourselves - like we did today at the House of 
Commons - through direct action.''


************************************************
For more information on the crisis situation at Maghaberry please visit 
the IFC POW Dept site at www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
You can Help!!!!
************************************************
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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE NEWSLIST
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
-----------------------------

Subject: Collusion Documented: RUC, British Intelligence plotted murders over many years
Date: 06 15 02

A rash of stories appeared in the British and Irish media since yesterday following the release of a leaked report from the Stevens Inquiry in the Guardian newspaper.  The Stevens Inquiry is a three-year investigation into widespread allegations of collusion between the Royal Ulster Constabulary, Special Branch, and British Military Intelligence; with members of loyalist paramilitary groups; and the resultant assassinations of over one hundred Nationalist civilians.

  
The Irish Freedom Committee™ 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
************************************************

Collusion, incompetence mar N.Irish police-report

Reuters

06 14 02

By Louise McCall

BELFAST, Northern Ireland (Reuters) - British security services in Northern Ireland were out of control to the extent of colluding with pro-British paramilitaries over the murder of Catholics in the province, a police report leaked to a newspaper has found.

A draft of the report, published in the Guardian newspaper Friday, said the relationship between Special Branch security police, army intelligence officers and the pro-British "loyalist" paramilitaries was so unprincipled and unaccountable it bordered on "institutionalised collusion."

Security personnel interviewing loyalist paramilitaries would tell them they were "targeting the wrong people," then leave the room on a pretext with documents and photographs lying in easy view on the table, the paper said.

The report stopped short of suggesting any overt conspiracy of cooperation with the loyalists against the Irish Republican Army, battling to overthrow British rule of Ulster, the paper added.

However, it did find anecdotal evidence of operational collusion at the front line of the bloody 30-year battle that supposedly ended with the 1998 Good Friday peace deal but which still sees daily violence between minority Roman Catholics, who favor a united Ireland, and pro-British Protestants.

The inquiry led by London's Metropolitan Police Commissioner John Stevens and due to be released soon is his third to look at policing in Northern Ireland, where pro-republican Catholics have long claimed security forces and the Royal Ulster Constabulary police sided with loyalist gunmen. 

UNSOLVED MURDER

The newspaper said the report accused the Special Branch of the Royal Ulster Constabulary, now renamed the Police Service of Northern Ireland, the Army and the MI5 domestic intelligence service of having cultivated and operated in an atmosphere of "gross unprofessionalism and irresponsibility."

The report will not estimate the number of shootings arising from the collaboration between security forces and loyalists, but will say that the loyalists were incapable of carrying out targeted assassinations without significant help.

Stevens' investigation was in part prompted by the still unsolved murder of Catholic lawyer Pat Finucane, shot 14 times by loyalist gunmen while eating dinner with his family in 1989.

Martin McGuinness, the north's education minister and deputy leader of Sinn Fein, the IRA's political wing, said the report had confirmed that loyalist gunmen had received help from security forces.

"They were being effectively put up to it by elements within the British military establishment and indeed within the RUC," he said.

Danny Kennedy, a Northern Irish Assembly member of the pro-British Ulster Unionist Party, which backs the Northern Ireland peace process, said the report was "unhelpful to security personnel."

"The report will be used by republicans to undermine Special Branch but I think most people will realize this is part of a particular campaign they are waging," he said.

(Additional reporting by Michael Roddy)



06/14/02 11:08 ET


***********************************

STEVENS INQUIRY TO CONFIRM RUC COLLUSION
2002-06-14 00:59:00 EST

Collusion between the security forces and loyalist 
paramilitaries in Northern Ireland continued unchecked for 
years because of a culture of "gross unprofessionalism and 
irresponsibility". This allowed officers to create a climate 
in which Catholics could be murdered with near impunity, the 
Stevens inquiry has found.

The report by London's Metropolitan Police Commissioner, Sir 
John Stevens, found that in many cases the relationship 
between RUC Special Branch detectives, army intelligence and 
loyalist paramilitaries was so unprincipled and lacking in 
accountability that it bordered on "institutionalised 
collusion", according to a report in today's Guardian 
newspaper.

Sir John is due to issue the report soon. But the officer 
with effective day-to-day control of the investigation is 
Deputy Assistant Commissioner Mr Hugh Orde, the new Chief 
Constable-designate of the PSNI.

His appointment as successor to Sir Ronnie Flanagan has 
proved politically sensitive, with unionists openly 
contesting his selection. The Stevens report, with which he 
is so closely identified, will further politicise policing 
in the North, while its recommendations could prove 
controversial.

At a press conference following his selection, Mr Orde 
referred to his work with the Stevens team and promised a 
frank report. It will fall to him to act upon the report's 
conclusions.

The three-year investigation into the murder in 1989 of the 
Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane will condemn a culture of 
incompetence that left junior ranks effectively making up 
the rules.

Stevens hopes to recommend charges against several police 
and army officers and he will outline proposals for 
wholesale reform of procedures.

Speaking to former soldiers, paramilitaries and double 
agents, Sir John's team uncovered astonishing levels of 
collusion between paramilitaries and the security forces. 
His report will not estimate the number of shootings that 
resulted from the collaboration, but he believes that 
loyalists were incapable of carrying out targeted
assassinations without significant help, according to the 
British newspaper.

But the Stevens team will not suggest there was any 
conspiracy stretching throughout the RUC and British army, 
or that British ministers officially sanctioned such 
killings. Finding hard evidence of any alleged official 
policy of collusion within the police service proved almost 
impossible.

Stevens found that RUC Special Branch - the police 
intelligence division - failed to keep records about 
meetings between officers and paramilitaries, and there 
appeared to be no guidelines about conduct.

Stevens has been told that attempts by his detectives to 
find out who was in charge of operations was "like trying to 
juggle soot".

Sir John, who has conducted two previous inquiries in 
Northern Ireland, already knew that in the case of Pat 
Finucane's murder, details had been passed to loyalist 
paramilitaries by an army double agent, Brian Nelson, who 
was helping loyalists to identify leading Catholics.

But he also found out that two of the UDA gang members 
thought to be responsible for the killing were police 
informers. One of the two guns used was stolen from an army 
barracks. Sometime later, the weapon was recovered by police 
officers, who, inexplicably, returned it to the army where 
it was modified - destroying potentially crucial forensic 
evidence.

Although Stevens will name and give details of the loyalists
arrested and questioned by his team on suspicion of the 
Finucane murder, he will not identify the two suspected 
gunmen in case it jeopardises a future criminal case.

It is not within Sir John's remit to recommend changes 
regarding intelligence gathering. But his investigators 
believe that Special Branch, which has primacy in such 
matters, should hand the lead role to MI5, while the army 
should stop running agents.

*******************************

Shadowy unit's infiltration role 

Nick Hopkins and Rosie Cowan
Friday June 14, 2002
The Guardian 

The force research unit was deployed in Northern Ireland in 1980 and given the job of recruiting and handling double agents who could infiltrate loyalist and republican terror groups. With a complement of about 100 soldiers, the FRU was one of three army-sponsored undercover intelligence squads in the province at the time. The others were 14 Company, which specialised in covert surveillance, and 22 Squadron SAS, which undertook "executive actions". "That means they killed people," said an army source. FRU was divided into detachments - north, south, east and west. Headquarters FRU dealt only with material supplied by a republican double agent, known only by the nickname Stakeknife. Gordon Kerr, then a colonel, was in charge of the FRU during the late 1980s and early 90s. It was during his time in command that FRU achieved one of its greatest successes - the infiltration of the loyalist paramilitary Ulster Defence Association, using an agent, Brian Nelson. Nelson was the UDA's senior intelligence officer at the time that Finucane, who had represented republicans, was murdered. It is thought that Nelson was one of up to 20 Northern Ireland-born soldiers who were asked by the army to become agents inside terrorist groups. Kerr, who is in his 50s, must have impressed the MoD during his time in the FRU. Now a brigadier and the British military attache in Beijing, he was awarded a QCVS (Queen's Commendation for Valuable Service) in 1996 for his gallant and distinguished service. Sensitivity about the FRU is acute in the MoD, which has sought injunctions on newspapers that have attempted to reveal details of its operations. The MoD is also extremely nervous about what the Stevens report will reveal, and has hired a firm of top lawyers to represent Kerr. FRU still works in Northern Ireland, though it has changed its name to the joint services group.

******************************************
From the Pat Finucane Center - COMMENTARY

June 14, 2002

Colombia, the BBC and the murder of Pat Finucane
A Play in three parts

Act 1

Thursday am June 13 2002 

Editorial meetings in two leading quality newspapers.

The Guardian newspaper and the Irish Times prepare to run front page stories for their Friday editions on the Stevens inquiry into allegations of security force collusion in the murder of Pat Finucane. ‘Stevens report to say RUC collusion was rife’ headlines the Irish Times. ‘Collusion ‘at heart’ of Finucane killing’ claims the Guardian. Both stories (and others expected to run over the coming weekend in various Sunday newspapers) are published in advance of a BBC Panorama programme to be broadcast next Wednesday which is expected to contain further details surrounding the Stevens Inquiry including interviews with former members of the Force Research Unit. The findings of the Inquiry itself are expected in the coming weeks. Time to batten down the hatches at the PSNI and British Army press offices. Warnings of strong gales ahead. 


Act 2 Thursday pm June 13 2002 

PSNI HQ

Enter stage left the security correspondent of the BBC Brian Rowen. The six o’ clock BBC news reveals startling new revelations of IRA involvement with FARC guerrillas in Colombia. Not only were the IRA training FARC- the IRA have been testing new weapons in the jungle. According to ‘security sources’ (Special Branch/M15/M16) the co-operation was ‘probably’ brokered through Cuba. Reference is made to West Belfast republican Evelyn Glenholmes who, ‘security sources believe… spent five years in Cuba’. The said Ms Glenholmes speaks fluent Spanish according to security sources. Unionists immediately demand their pound of flesh. The Daily Telegraph, that traditional friend of the peace process, is outraged. The playwright denies that any linkage. No, not the alleged links between Farc and the IRA, but between the damning revelations regarding the Stevens Inquiry and the timing of the latest ‘security assessment’ on Colombia from the same people who directed the murder of Pat Finucane. Purely a coincidence you understand. 

Many questions remain unanswered. According to the BBC the latest revelations concern activities alleged to have occurred ‘prior’ to the arrest last year of three Irishmen in Colombia. Does this mean that British Intelligence and RUC Special Branch was aware of this for some years but decided not to release such damning information into the public domain? An extraordinary allegation surely. Or were British Intelligence and RUC Special Branch blissfully unaware why known republicans would disappear for months on end only to return sporting deeply suspicious suntans con un poco espanol? The mind boggles.

Act 3 June 14 am The Office of the Secretary of State Dr John Reid

As the plot thickens the BBC warns that ‘the peace process is once again skating on thin ice’ as a result of this latest security assessment. Dr Reid, mindful of unionist demands that the IRA be punished, is reminded of an article in the London Independent of April 28 from Ireland correspondent David Mc Kittrick. According to the article, "Both the government and senior police officers in Northern Ireland are convinced that top officers are working against the peace process, according to authoritative sources in Belfast. They believe that a number of officers have been planting exaggerated and distorted newspaper stories with the aim of disrupting the process." Meanwhile the BBC Panorama programme is expected to be broadcast next Wednesday if the MoD refrain from taking out a High Court injunction. Brian Rowen, security correspondent, would be wise to keep his diary free for Tuesday. Who knows what revelation the spin doctors will come up with next? 
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DISPATCH FROM IFC POW DEPT.

Subject: Protest against BBC Media Blackout 
Date: 06 15 02

In an under-reported event last week, Belfast prioners' rights supporters, led by Chairwoman Marian Price, staged a sit-down  protest at the Belfast offices of the BBC on Monday, June 3rd. The  peaceful sit-down at BBC’s North Ireland headquarters was held in  response to a virtual media blackout to  efforts to bring world-wide attention to the crisis situation at  Maghaberry Prison.

For the past two months, Irish Republican political prisoners at  Maghaberry Prison have been living under constant threat of death from  loyalist paramilitary prisoners, who are housed with the Republicans and  outnumber them nearly eight to one. Several Republican POWs have been  brutally assaulted over the past year while housed under these senseless  and barbaric circumstances.

The hysterical tone of the Sunday Life article below does not accurately  reflect the tone of the protest, calling it a “daylight raid” and  emphasizing security forces view that this protest represented a threat  to celebrity newscasters at the BBC. 

As the “Footnote” commentary from the IA-PL NewsRoom accurately points  out below, the main point of the protest, which was the continuing  crisis situation for political prisoners at Maghaberry, was omitted  entirely by the sensationalist angle of the piece.

For more information on the deadly situation for Irish Republican 
Prisoners of War at Maghaberry, please go to:
http://members.freespeech.org/irishpows/bb3/april_2002.htm#UDA%20Death%20Warnings%20Issued).


The Irish Freedom Committee™ 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net

************************************************
(From IA-PL NewsRoom)
The following news was not widely reported by the media here and 
therefore the below article from Sunday Life (Belfast) on June 9, is 
worthy of distribution via iapl_newsroom32@h... & STORMONT-WATCH via 
www.voy.com/70381/
-----------------------------------------
Sunday Life (Belfast) 
Sunday June 9, 2002
Protesting republicans spook broadcast bosses

BOSSES at the BBC & UTV in Belfast have ordered a clampdown on security 
after a daylight raid by dissident republicans.
The 32-County Sovereignty Committee – the political wing of the Real IRA 
– managed to breach security at the BBC’s Ormeau Avenue HQ, prompting TV 
bosses in both stations to review security measures for top presenters 
like Donna Traynor and Mike Nesbitt.

It’s believed management at both the BBC & UTV have consulted the police 
about stepping up security, after the 32CSM took over the BBC’s 
reception area for an hour last Monday.

At one stage staff feared the protestors could try and get into a TV 
studio.

Police later removed the republican group.
One BBC newsroom insider said: “It's an open secret what happened, but 
staff were genuinely concerned that the TV studio could have been taken 
over. People were also asking how a relatively small number of people 
could hold an organization like the BBC to ransom for an hour.”

“It could have been more serious. Presenters are now reviewing their own 
security – and hoping there won’t be a next time.”

It’s understood that within hours of the raid, detectives had advised 
senior executives at both TV stations to tighten staff security.

32CSM spokesperson – former republican hunger-striker Ms. Marian Price – 
said the protest was to highlight a “ media blackout” about conditions 
for republican prisoners at Maghaberry jail.

She said: “This protest was to highlight what we feel is a media 
blackout of the conditions endured by republican prisoners in 
Maghaberry.

“The BBC has ignored our statements and the conditions republicans 
prisoners are enduring there.

“Our statements are not being used by the BBC and we feel it is 
operating a media blackout about what is happening in Maghaberry”.
A BBC spokeswoman said: “A small group of protesters entered 
Broadcasting House in Belfast on Monday. Police were called and the 
protesters left soon afterwards.”

A UTV spokeswoman added: “Security for our staff is always our priority 
and is continually reviewed as required”.

----------------------------------------
FOOT NOTE From IA-PL Newsroom:
[The amazing thing, maybe not on second thoughts, about this article is 
that it does not even make one specific reference to the current 
dangerous conditions in HMP Maghaberry. It also shows that while there 
may not be a total “media blackout”, reports in the print media, and 
elsewhere reflect a high degree of self-censorship. Media bosses, rather 
than individual journalists, are basically the ones who are to blame, 
and no doubt these policy – makers are highly influenced by the NIO and 
their British-based controllers.]

************************************************
For more information on what YOU can do to help the families of Irish 
Republican POWs please go to www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
************************************************
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-----------------------------

Subject: Exposed: security force links to loyalist killer gangs
Date: 06 14 02 

The Guardian newspaper has obtained a leaked advance repirt on the findings of the Stevens Inquiry,; begun in April 1999 to investigate allegations of widespread collusion between members of British Intelligence and RUC Colonial police, with assassins in loyalist paramilitary organizations.

The Irish Freedom Committee™ 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
************************************************

Exposed: security force links to loyalist killer gangs

Top-level inquiry finds collusion in Ulster murders

Rosie Cowan and Nick Hopkins
Friday June 14, 2002
The Guardian

Widespread collusion between the security forces and loyalist paramilitaries in Northern Ireland continued unchecked for years because a culture of "gross unprofessionalism and irresponsibility" allowed officers to create a climate in which Catholics could be murdered with near impunity, a comprehensive investigation has found.

An explosive report by the Metropolitan police commissioner Sir John Stevens, to be completed in the next few weeks, found that in many cases the relationship between special branch detectives, army intelligence officers and loyalist paramilitaries was so unprincipled and lacking in accountablility that it bordered on "institutionalised collusion", the Guardian has learned.

But the Stevens team will not suggest that there was any "sinister web of conspiracy" stretching throughout the RUC and army, or that ministers officially sanctioned such killings.

The three-year investigation into the murder of the Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane will also condemn a culture of incompetence that left junior ranks effectively making up the rules as they went along.

The commissioner hopes to recommend charges against several police and army officers and he will outline proposals for wholesale reform of procedures to ensure future transparency over what the police force is doing.

Speaking to former soldiers, paramilitaries and double agents, Sir John's team uncovered astonishing levels of collusion between terrorists and the security forces.

His report will not estimate the number of shootings that resulted from the collaboration, but he believes that loyalists were incapable of carrying out targeted assassinations without significant help.

"There are many anecdotes of special branch officers, when interviewing loyalists, saying 'you are targeting the wrong people' and then walking out of the room, leaving photographs and other details on the table," said one source close to the inquiry.

But finding hard evidence of whether there was an official policy of collusion within the police service proved almost impossible.

Either by accident or design, the Stevens team found that RUC special branch - which gathers intelligence about terrorists and handles agents - failed to keep records about meetings between officers and paramilitaries, and there appeared to be no guidelines about conduct.

Sir John has been told that attempts by his detectives to find out who was in charge of operations was "like trying to juggle soot".

One source said: "Next to nothing was written down, so it is extremely difficult to find out exactly what was done and on whose authorisation. Northern Ireland special branch kept no records, had no recognised policy code and yet their agents and informers were deployed at the cutting edge of life-threatening situations at more risk than in any other region of the UK."

Though the lack of material frustrated the Stevens team, Sir John has concluded that it also made police in Northern Ireland "extremely vulnerable" to charges of collusion, because special branch has never been able to convincingly refute the allegations with documentary proof.

Sir John's inquiry was drawn into a broad review of the murky world of undercover operations in Northern Ireland when it was asked by the RUC, now the Police Service of Northern Ireland, to review its investigation into the 1989 murder of Mr Finucane.

Nobody has been tried for the murder of the father of three, who was shot 14 times in front of members of his family as they ate Sunday dinner.

Sir John, who has conducted two previous inquiries in Northern Ireland, already knew that Mr Finucane's details had been passed to loyalist paramilitaries by an army double agent, Brian Nelson, who was helping loyalists to identify leading Catholics.

He went on to discover that two of the Ulster Defence Association gang members thought to be responsible for the murder were informers for the police. One of the two guns used was stolen from an army barracks. Sometime later, the weapon was recovered by police officers, who, inexplicably, returned it to the army where it was modified - destroying potentially crucial forensic evidence.

The Guardian has learned that a special branch officer spoke of wanting Mr Finucane, a leading human rights lawyer, killed.

"When three out of four people in the frame for the Finucane murder turn out to be security force agents, you have got to ask yourself, is this counter-terrorism, or totally counter productive?" said a source.

While Sir John will name the loyalists arrested and questioned on suspicion of the Finucane murder, he will not identify the two suspected gunmen in case it jeopardises a future criminal case.

During the course of the inquiry, the Stevens team reviewed documents from the Ministry of Defence, which detailed the activities of soldiers working for the army's top secret force research unit (FRU). The FRU recruited and handled agents in Northern Ireland and it is still operating, albeit under a different name.

Unlike the police, the FRU kept meticulous records in so-called "secret books"; the existence of the files was only revealed when a former FRU member, known by the pseudonym Martin Ingram, came forward.

The paper trail led the Stevens team to arrest and question under caution a number of former FRU soldiers and agents, including Brian Nelson.

The former commander of the FRU, Brigadier Gordon Kerr, is to be interviewed under caution within weeks. A file on Brig Kerr - now British military attache in Beijing, one of the most senior posts at the MoD - has been been prepared in advance of the questioning, which is likely to last three days.

The Stevens team has yet to answer the key question of whether FRU was acting on its own in a maverick fashion, or whether the unit was obeying orders from higher up the chain of command. Stevens investigators believe that having special branch, the army and MI5 running agents in Northern Ireland overcomplicates the situation. "There are too many people fishing in the same pond. The current situation is a bloody awful mess," said one source.

It is not within Sir John's remit to recommend changes regarding intelligence gathering. But his investigators believe that special branch, which has primacy in such matters, should hand the lead role to MI5, while the army should stop running agents.

Although such a move would infuriate the MoD, many police and unionists, Sir John's sweeping criticisms of special branch are bound to strengthen the argument for a restructuring, and Sir John Chilcot, the former Whitehall spymaster investigating the raid on a special branch office in the Castlereagh police complex, may well conclude this form of streamlining is the best solution.

Sir John Stevens will not call for the disbandment of special branch, but he will recommend radical reform and a raft of systems and procedures to try to bring the much criticised department - described in the 1999 Patten report as a "force within a force" - to heel.

The commissioner recognises that his recommendations have to be practical and though his report is severely critical of special branch, he acknowledges that it still has an important counter-terrorist role.

The Stevens team believes that special branch's obsession with intelligence gathering had had an appalling effect on crime fighting, losing sight of its core job - to arrest and charge criminals.

By refusing to share information with other departments in the force, special branch undermined professional officers in CID, who have said they were working with "one hand tied behind their back".

During the investigation, Stevens's detectives were "amazed" at the number of "punishment shootings" in Belfast and the fact that nobody was being arrested.

"If I was in charge of those inquiries," said one Stevens detective, "we'd be going in there arresting people and finding out what's going on. The RUC's attitude is incredible. There's no attempt to keep law and order. That is the story of what is going on in Northern Ireland at the moment, not what happened more than 10 years ago."

The criticisms of the Police Service of Northern Ireland made by the province's police ombudsman over its handling of the Omagh bomb investigation was also telling, Stevens investigators believe.

The ombudsman highlighted how warnings about an attack were not passed on by special branch to CID officers before or after the explosion that killed 29 people.

This alone indicates that little has changed in the policing of Northern Ireland since Mr Finucane's murder, and that the recommendations of two previous investigations into policing in Northern Ireland by Sir John Stevens - in 1991 and 1994 - appear to have been ignored.

One of the leading officers in the inquiry has been the Met's deputy assistant commissioner Hugh Orde. Two weeks ago, he was appointed the incoming chief constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland, and will be responsible for implementing the recommendations of his former boss.

Supporters of the Finucane family will not be satisfied by the Stevens report. They believe that only a public inquiry will resolve whether the collusion really went right to the heart of the British establishment.

Sir John's task, though, was not made any easier by the hostile reaction of special branch officers and some of the soldiers who were interviewed.

Another difficulty was that several of the key players in the intelligence community are now dead. Twenty-five of Northern Ireland's top counter-terrorist experts were wiped out in the Chinook helicopter crash on the Mull of Kintyre in 1994.

Asked about the possibility that Brig Kerr will be questioned, an MoD spokesman said: "I don't think we would want to comment. We would not wish to say anything."

Other defence officials said the MoD was sure that Brig Kerr would be questioned and that he would be represented by a lawyer.


************************************************
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-----------------------------
DISPATCH FROM IFC POW DEPT.


Subject: Wheatfield Prison Tactics Exposed – POW Mick Kenny
Date: 06 13 02

Wheatfield Gaol in the Irish Free State— currently holding Irish POW 
Mick Kenny on trumped-up charges based on planted evidence— has once 
again returned to a failed policy of withholding personal mail, in an 
effort to demoralize and dishearten this Irish Republican POW. 

As they have in the past, letters from concerned activists on the 
outside can help put an end to this policy. Please write to the DOJ and 
the Wheatfield Prison Governor today (addresses are below) and let them 
know that you are watching and are fully aware that this treatment is in 
violation of the very Constitution these offices profess to uphold.

Two letters reprinted below are from Mick Kenny’s fiancée Roisin and his 
brother Sean, detailing some of the multiple miscarriages of justice in 
Mick's case. Please send your letters and emails today, regarding this 
continuing abuse of Irish Republican POWs in the Free State, to the DOJ 
and the Prisons Service at the postal or email addresses provided below.

Go raibh maith agat;

The Irish Freedom Committee™ 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
************************************************
Mister John O'Donoghue, T.D.
Minister for Justice
Justice Department
72-76, St. Stephens Green, Dublin 2, Ireland

Dear Sir

Following my previous email regarding my husband to be Mick Kenny. Mick 
informed me this morning that he has sought information pertaining to 
the fact that, once again, our letters are being kept back. He has been 
assured that this was due to 'staff shortage'. I find this puzzling 
since the Irish Constitution does clearly states that communication 
between prisoners and their loved ones will be ensured. The Constitution 
does not regard letters as privilege but a human right, this confirmed 
by the European Bill of rights as indeed any world based associations on 
human rights. Should Wheatfield prison be affected by such an 
extraordinary problem as staff shortage, then I feel that this matter 
should treated as a priority. i have no doubt that most Irish job 
seekers would jump at the chance to work for a governmental department 
offering a good wage. 

I would be grateful to you if you could help us on this matter. My last 
email to you was met with a change for the better from the prison as our 
mail deliveries improved to the point when our letters became censored 
and handed in as indeed posted out in the normal delays as stipulated in 
the Constitution. 

Sincerely;

Roisin White
************************************************

Ambassador Daithi O’ Ceallaigh 
Embassy of Ireland 
17 Grosvenor Place 
London SWIX 7HR 

10/06/2000


Dear Sir,

I would like to thank you for your recent letter concerning my brother 
Michael Kenny and his predicament in Wheatfield Prison.

I wish to emphasize immediately that the information you have provided 
in you letter has in no way alleviated or addressed the deep concern 
felt by Michael’s family and friends.

I was informed this very day that a letter I had written and posted over 
two weeks ago had just been handed over to my brother; this is by no 
means the first time that Michael’s correspondence has been deliberately 
interfered with.

I am well aware of the rules and procedures that apply in Portlaoise 
Prison. These rules when applied probably work, in my brother’s case 
they were never applied to start with. I am equally certain that a true 
and accurate record of the events that transpired at Portlaoise Prison 
on and around the 18th March 1998 was never logged or officially 
recorded correctly. Nor was my brothers admission to hospital as casual 
or as simple as the so-called records suggest. The lights were 
deliberately extinguished on that landing in Portlaoise, and my brother 
heard the prison officers running away before he was savagely beaten in 
what I believe was a calculated attempt on his life, furthermore Michael 
spent four days in Portlaoise General Hospital. The prisoners involved 
in this incident were never disciplined nor were the prison officers 
concerned ever reprimanded or castigated for their perfidious act. My 
brother Michael did not report this incident to the Gardi for one very 
sound and valid reason; the next time it would not have been a beating 
it would have been a bullet in the head. I am not trying to dramatize 
the situation by saying this; I am simply stating a fact.

You have stated Sir, that each of Michael’s complaints has been 
investigated; one has to ask by whom. If the investigation was carried 
out by the Wheatfield Prison authorities or their confederates, then 
there is no doubt in the minds of Michael’s family and loved ones that 
such an investigation has to be tainted or at least badly flawed.

In relation to my brother’s conviction, yes he was found guilty by the 
so-called Special Criminal Court of two counts of possession of firearms 
and indeed sentenced to five to three year’s imprisonment. Amazingly no 
firearm was produced at the time of his arrest, two days later a firearm 
was allegedly found in the home of the person my brother was on his way 
to visit when he was apprehended.

I wish to thank you Sir for pointing out to me article 38.3 of the 
Constitution regarding the establishment of the Special Criminal Court.

While on the statute books this may look like a shining example of Irish 
Justice being democratically administered, it could also be seen in a 
more negative and inconsequential light. Whereby the guilty verdicts 
issuing from the everyday Courts, are outnumbered by the not guilty 
verdicts; thus causing the powers that be to change that particular 
equation by abolishing the jury system and introducing the Special 
Criminal Court.

You say Sir that everyone enjoys the right to appeal to the Court of 
Criminal Appeal; I can only conclude that this right of enjoyment is 
reserved for the privileged few of which my brother is not one.

Michael has been waiting for over two years for an appeal hearing that 
should have been dealt with within months of his conviction.

Instead he has been made to languish in Wheatfield Prison, in conditions 
that his family and loved ones believe to be as abhorrent and as 
mentally and physically repugnant as I have already described.

As regards directing Michael’s legal team in the application for his 
appeal, they have been misled, misdirected sidelined and sidetracked at 
every given opportunity. Every effort has been made to obstruct my 
brother’s legal representatives in their endeavours to achieve real 
justice for him.

You mention Sir the various avenues that are available to prisoners to 
make requests or complaints. I have personally written to the then; 
Minister for Justice John O Donoughe; he did not condescend to reply to 
my communiqué. As regards the Governor and his staff, they are 
ultimately responsible for what transpires in Wheatfield Prison.

Consequently whatever injustices were inflicted on my brother was 
executed with the full knowledge and consent of the Governor and his 
staff; as a result I fail to see how they would be very receptive 
towards a request or a complaint from my brother Michael. I believe they 
would act quite contrary to any and all requests from him.

To conclude Sir, I have written to her Excellency President McAllese and 
to the High Commissioner for Human Rights Mrs. Robinson.

The President’s office very politely replied to my letter, but was as 
expected unable to help. After the third attempt Mrs. Robinson’s office 
replied with an inconsequential brochure that could have been obtained 
from any public library.

On behalf of the family friends and loved ones of Michael Kenny, I wish 
to state categorically, that although we are unable to obtain help or 
assistance from those who are elected to serve we will continue to fight 
for justice for Michael; regardless of the impediments and hindrances 
that are intentionally produced to obstruct our efforts.

Yours Sincerely

Sean Kenny

************************************************

PLEASE WRITE TO:

Mister John O'Donoghue, T.D.
Minister for Justice
Justice Department
72-76, St. Stephens Green, Dublin 2, Ireland

Tel: (from US)- (011) 353- 602-8202
or 011-353 -66-72413 and 66-72631
Fax: (from US)- (011) 353- 661-5461

e-mail: minister@justice.ie
-------------

Frank McDermott
Prisons Operations Division
Irish Prisons Service
Justice Department
(Same address and phone information as above)

e-mail: Frank_J._McDermott@justice.ie

************************************************
For more information on POW Mick Kenny please go to: 
http://members.freespeech.org/irishpows/bb3/mick%20kenny.htm 
************************************************
PLEASE SIGN THE PETITION FOR MICK KENNY! 
JOIN THE JUSTICE FOR MICK KENNY DISCUSSION GROUP!

Petition for Mick Kenny:
http://www.petitiononline.com/jfmk2001/petition.html 
Justice for Mick Kenny Discussion Group:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/justiceformickkenny/

************************************************

WRITE TO IRISH REPUBLICAN POWS!!

For addresses and further information please go to:
 www.irishfreedomcommittee.net

************************************************

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DISPATCH FROM IFC POW DEPT.


Subject: Continuing Abuse to Family of Republican POW Ciaran McLaughlin
Date: 06 11 02

The family of republican POW Ciaran McLaughlin, whose two-year-old 
grandson is dying of a fatal brain disease, has this weekend suffered 
yet more blatant discrimination and abusive treatment at the hands of 
the Northern Ireland Prison Service. 

Prison officials hung up the phone on Bernie McLaughlin, wife of 
Ciaran, twice this weekend when she telephoned the prison to relay a 
message to Ciaran regarding updates in the little boy’s condition. 

The letter which follows was sent to the NIPS by the October 5th 
Association regarding this callous and inhumane treatment.

Please write to the Northern Ireland Prison Service at the addresses 
below to convey your disappointment at this continuing harrasment and 
abuse-- treatment which should be considered intolerable at any time, 
but offensive in the extreme to a family undergoing such heartbreak.

The Irish Freedom Committee™ 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net

************************************************
From: October 5th Association - oct5th_vets68@hotmail.com
To: NIO & N. I. PRISON SERVICE
Sunday June 9, 2002

TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN: 


Dear Sir/Madam,

On behalf of the October 5th (1968 Civil rights’ veterans) Association 
and on behalf of the wife and family of political prisoner Mr. Ciaran 
McLaughlin, I wish to formally complain at the bad-mannered treatment 
afforded to this prisoner’s wife. Our complaint relates to two calls she 
made to HMP Maghaberry at around 3 p.m. yesterday afternoon (Saturday).

This lady politely asked if it was possible to have a message conveyed 
to the Roman Catholic prison chaplain, whom she named to the prison 
officer at the other end of the line. He very bluntly said “No”, and 
when she asked if he couldn’t or wouldn’t convey a message he hung up. 
When she rang again immediately afterwards to complaint at this 
treatment this officer hung up yet again. We are therefore forced to ask 
ourselves the question, would his conduct have been any different if she 
had wished to convey a message to a 
prison chaplain who professes a different religious faith? How can we 
now even harbour the notion that anything has changed within the NIPS 
since the signing of the GFA in 1998? Another question we are asking 
ourselves, are we even fools to take the time to protest, or to expect 
that this complaint will be taken seriously?

We believe that this prison officer’s conduct is scandalous behaviour 
especially given the fact that Mr. McLaughlin’s grandson, Kyle, and his 
own mother are both very ill. The nine-year-old’s condition has worsened 
greatly in recent days, yet Mr. McLaughlin was, over this past few days, 
refused another visit to the hospital. The family, and our association 
have been led to believe that such visits are usually permitted on a 
monthly basis, but Mr. McLaughlin now feels that no further visits will 
be permitted. Maybe you could clarify the exact policy in this regard 
for the benefit of us all, as there are claims being made that loyalist 
prioners have been granted compassionate parole on a twice a month 
basis. If this is not the case, then kindly inform us at your earliest 
convenience.

This incident on the phone smacks not only of bad matters, but very low 
standards of public relations, and unprofessionalism, at a time when we 
are being bombarded with tales of “a new beginning” at all levels of a 
supposedly reformed Stormont administration. One would assume that 
basic humanity would come to the fore when dealing with the loved ones 
of prisoners, but then that seems to be too much to expect, or is it?

We would appeal for a review of the compassionate parole provisions in 
regard to Mr. McLaughlin (A258 – Bann House, HMP Maghaberry). We feel 
that since his mother was not fit enough to travel to Altnagelvin 
Hospital during two periods of eight-hour compassionate parole, we would 
implore you to take steps to ensure that a visit to his mother’s home is 
permitted at the earliest possible opportunity. We make this urgent 
appeal as Ciaran’s terms of release did not permit him to leave the 
confines of the hospital, not even to visit his seriously ill mother. He 
has not seen his mother since being imprisoned, which we estimate to be 
a year and a half.

We are quite angry at the behaviour of the prison officer who answered 
the phone yesterday, and feel that he should be made to apologize for 
his unfeeling behaviour. Should he feel obliged to do so he can contact 
Mrs. McLaughlin on Derry xx-xxxxxx. If you have the slightest doubt that 
this incident occurred, then please feel free to contact this lady at 
your earliest convenience.

Yours truly,


xxxxxxxxxxxx
Hon. Secretary & Press Officer
[Derry-71-xxxxxxx]

P.S. All replies by e-mail please.

October 5th Association
oct5th_vets68@hotmail.com


************************************************
Irish Freedom Committee Action Request:
PLEASE WRITE TO THE NIPS AND NIO TO COMPLAIN ABOUT CONTINUING ABUSE TO 
THE MCLAUGHLIN FAMILY.

· THE NORTHERN IRELAND PRISON SERVICE 
Room 321, Prison Service Headquarters, Dundonald House, Upper 
Newtownards Road, BELFAST BT4 3SU
E-Mail: info@niprisonservice.gov.uk
Phone: 028 9052 5065 - (General Enquiry Line)

· NORTHERN IRELAND OFFICE 
To: John Reid MP - Secretary of State for Northern Ireland
To: Adam Ingram MP - Minister of State
To: George Howarth MP - Parliamentary Under Secretary of State
Block B, Castle Buildings, BELFAST BT4 3STGTN 
Email: press.nio.@nics.gov.uk
Phone: 440 02890 520 700 (24 hours)
Fax: 02890 528473/528478/528482

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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE NEWSLIST
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
-----------------------------

Subject: Film Review: “Sunday”
Date: 06 11 02

When the highly-acclaimed Gaslight documentary “Sunday” premiered this 
weekend in LA, Southern California Irish Freedom Committee member Sarah 
Bohr was on hand to distribute information on the Irish Freedom 
Committee; and to review the film for national members and supporters 
who have not yet had the opportunity to see it. 

Sarah’s words speak hauntingly of a film which has shattered audiences 
worldwide with its brutal honesty since its debut earlier this year in 
Derry. A link to the production company’s website for the film is 
attached below the review.

The Irish Freedom Committee™ 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
********************************************************
“Sunday” Film Review
By Sarah Bohr
06 10 02
Irish Freedom Committee, Southern California
--------------------------------
Trying to fit the events of one fateful day and the weeks leading up to 
it into a feature-length film might seem to some like a recipe for 
disaster. 

"Sunday", produced by Gub Neal for the newly formed Gaslight 
Productions, succeeds in a stark, heart-wrenching portrayal of Bloody 
Sunday and it's aftermath. Shot on location in Derry and Manchester, 
"Sunday" is a faithful retelling that brings to life the victims and 
their families without sacrificing the hard facts behind the tragedy of 
30 January, 1972.

"I made this film so that the victims of Bloody Sunday wouldn't just be 
another statistic," said writer Jimmy McGovern. "For 30 years truth has 
been suppressed and justice denied. That is wrong."

Director Charles McDougall stressed, during an open discussion after the 
screening, that every event portrayed in the film could be backed up 
with hard evidence obtained during the two years of intensive research 
that included interviews with families of victims, survivors, British 
paratroopers who were in Derry that day, and government figures. 

Several people who were witnesses to the events on 30 January '72 
attended the screening. One woman, who was eighteen on Bloody Sunday, 
grew emotional and she recalled the friends she lost that day. She also 
gave the film her endorsement, saying that it was "as close as possible 
to what really happened."

"Sunday" uses a dry humor and subtle wit to draw you into the lives of 
these people who you know are headed for disaster, which lends an 
undercurrent of foreboding to the happier moments of the film. From the 
time the first shots are heard echoing through Derry, "Sunday" will grab 
your heart and twist, and you will be so captivated by the awful truth 
of that day that you won't even notice the tears rolling down your 
cheeks.

Geraldine Richmond, a Derry woman who witnessed the deaths of family and 
friends, thanked McGovern for humanising the people who experienced 
Bloody Sunday.

"Now our story is being told," she said.


************************************************

“Sunday”
http://www.sundayfilm.net/Default.htm


Written by Jimmy McGovern 
Directed by Charles McDougall 
Produced by Gub Neal 

This film is a dramatised reconstruction of events between 1968 and 
1973. Although there have been minor changes to chronology and certain 
events have been dramatised to aid clarity, this drama is based entirely 
on fact using British Government documents, interviews, eyewitness 
reports and court transcripts. 

Developed by Gaslight Productions 
in association with Box TV 
Produced by Sunday Productions 

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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE NEWSLIST
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
-----------------------------
Subject: Belfast Report: Short Strand Under Seige
Date: 06 07 02


The Short Strand in Belfast, where 800 Irish Nationalist family homes
are surrounded by a hostile community of 7,000 to 8,000 Loyalist homes,
today remains under siege.
Since Wednesday, a funeral cortege for a 50-year old woman has been
attacked by loyalist paramilitaries, with a 500-strong mob surrounding
the funeral mass and pelting the church with rocks, paint, and bottles;
local businesses have been attacked, and cars hijacked and burned, by
rampaging loyalist mobs; and nationalists have been under constant
attack as they attempt to conduct their daily business in the community.

Residents are braced for yet more violence this weekend; with British
Army water cannons now on hand, and over 60 plastic bullets fired at
residents since last week.
The situation harkens back to 1969 and the Battle of the Bogside, when
residents under siege were faced with an encroaching British Army and
the harsh reality of a decommissioned line of defense. Concern remains
high for the coming weekend and the safety of the Nationalist residents
of the Short Strand.

The Irish Freedom Committee ™

www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
********************************************************
LATEST NEWS from the AI-PL NEWSROOM – SHORT STRAND UNDER SEIGE
Excerpted from a report issued by the IA-PL newsroom , iapl_newsroom32@hotmail
Friday June 7, 2002 05:53:50


* Serious incidents have been linked to loyalist rioters in Short
Strand. Orange trouble started early to-day, and was in "full swing" at
11 am. There are around 800 households surrounded by 7-8,000 loyalist
families. The area "is being slowly strangled" say journalists and
community leaders. The minority community are being physically stopped
and attacked while visiting the post office, doctors's clinics and
chemists on the Newtownards Rd. A integratated college was invaded by
loyalists who demanded identification, and pushed "arrested" and
terrified Catholic students into an area known as "the gallery". Only
one member of the PSNI was in the area, and it appears he did not call
for back-up. Students eventually found a means of escape and have used
their mobile phones to seek relatives' assistance. The situation is
on-going.


* David Irvine, loyalist politician, admits that UVF are involved. The
Brits, as expected, are saying the loyalist cease-fires are intact. PSF
councillor in Short Strand insists that the PIRA did not fire shots, and
that "we have ensured that not a cigareete paper has been thrown since
Sunday from the Short Strand". He agreed that "other armed republicans
are at work". IA-PL sources in Belfast report that any moves by the PIRA
to disarm the defenders of the Short Strand will be strongly resisted.
IA-PL central workstation is advising all within the local network not
to travel to Short Strand until practical solidarity is formally
requested by its genuine republican defenders. Major Brit house-to-house
raids will certainly add fuel to the fire. It is believed by some in
Short Strand that the Brits will initially depend on the Provos to
disarm so-called "dissidents". Belfast sources indicate that PSF is
privately pushing for this since meeting UDA & UVF representatives
earlier this week. The treasonous seizure of the means of defence from
those willing to defend the enclave will not appease loyalism. Such PSF
insanity will merely fuel their sectarian hatred, whereby a weakened
community may end up suffering many more deaths to quench the thirsy
blood-lust of the Orange death squads.
Stormont Watch Forum http://voy.com/70381/
************************************************
From the Irish Anti-Partition League Newsroom
(iapl_newsroom32@hotmail.com)
((Special report from Mary Brady, community worker, Belfast))*
Wednesday June 5, 2002


Loyalist paramilitaries this morning attacked a funeral cortege at St.
Matthew's Catholic Church on Newtonards Road in the Short Strand area of
East Belfast.

The trouble began at about 9:30 am this morning Belfast time when a gang
of Loyalists with bricks, bats and hammers attacked three nationalists
entering a chemist (pharmacy). The Loyalists wore balaclavas (masks).
As this onslaught continued, the Loyalists noticed the funeral
procession arriving at St. Matthew's, a short distance from the
pharmacy, and then attacked the mourners.

The casket and those attending the funeral were then hurried into the
chapel, where upon they locked the front doors to prevent the Loyalists
from entering. The Loyalists continued to hit at the doors and windows
of the chapel in an attempt to get at the nationalists inside. Fearing
for their lives, the family and friends of the deceased then barricaded
themselves and the religious servers inside the chapel in a frantic
panic to fend off the violent gang.

When the RUC/PSNI (police force) finally arrived at the church (from
their positions just down the street), the mourners, including the
husband, children and grandchildren of the deceased were thoroughly
terrified.

The deceased, Mrs. Jean O'Neill, mother of nine, passed away this past
Saturday after a battle with cancer. She was believed to be about just
50 years old. Her husband Leo, children and friends are deeply horrified
and shaken that such a sacrilegious event could take place at the
funeral of their loved one. The slow action of the RUC had given them
cause for even greater concern.

After the Loyalist gang was moved back away from the front doors of the
church by the RUC, the funeral cortege left quickly by a side door and
made its way to the cemetery some three miles away back in the
nationalist area.

The Loyalist paramilitaries then began rioting, burning cars and
destroying property in the area. The RUC stood by and did nothing to
control the gang members, still wearing balaclavas. The trouble quelled
around 11:30 am, butthe Loyalists are still on the road as of this writing.


((*This story is reported as told to me by Mary Brady. -- Dennis Heron))
*********************************************
From the Irish Anti-Partition League Newsroom
(iapl_newsroom32@hotmail.com)
SHORT STRAND CHURCH ATTACKED
June 6, 2002


LARGE numbers of PSNI riot police and British troops are focusing on a
loyalist sit-down protest, after intense violence all morning, which
included attacks by loyalists on St. Maathew’s RC Church, during a
funeral mass. The service was abandoned, as people were advised to leave
by a side door. The funeral eventually took lace, but was seriously
delayed.

Vehicles were hi-jacked and burnt by the loyalist mob numbering several
hundred. Much of the action was taking place while others were at home
or off work warching the Ireland Vs Germany world-cup match on TV. The
Orange mob sang well-known sectarian songs and shouted abuse at all and
sundry, including the Crown forces. Many local people were critical of
the lack of preventative action on the part of the PSNI in particular.
Some British soldiers were heard to shout back at Loyalists, one in
particular who called out: “Some of us are Catholics too, come on, throw
your stones and paint bombs at us”. Other soldiers shouted, “Let the
poor youngsters bury their mother in peace”.

Reports put the mob at being upwards of 500. They threw stones, bottles
and paint bombs at the church. The noise was so intense that fearful
mourners inside could not hear the priest or follow the service. There
was a major stand off between loyalists and police and troops as
hundreds more tried to break through their lines to intensify the
on-going attack on the church. A numbers of mourners and children were
hit and hospitalized as they endeavored to make a safe exit from the
funeral service.

Ironically, while the loyalist sit-down protest continued the UUP
leader, David Trimble, surrounded by smiling leading colleagues in the
main hall at Stormont, told the TV news viewers, “Republicans, including
those of the mainstream are responsible. Adams, you must get your act
together and put an end to this violence”. The TV cameramen were telling
a very different story from that being told to the world from Stormont.
Footnote: Several e-mail messages to our newsroom this morning welcome
the fact that President Clinton arrived in Belfast earlier to-day, and
that maybe US camera-crews will report the real truth “back home”.
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