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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE® NEWSLIST
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Subject: Rasta poet tells Blair “Up yours” after OBE offer
Date: November 28, 2003
Rastafarian poet Benjamin Zephaniah
-----------------------

Ananova News
Story filed: 07:36 Thursday 27th November 2003

Poet tells Blair 'up yours' after OBE offer 

Rastafarian poet Benjamin Zephaniah has publicly rejected an invitation to accept an OBE in the New Year honours, calling it a legacy of colonialism.

Breaking the convention that those who reject honours should do so privately, Zephaniah aired his views in The Guardian.

The poet said that when he received a letter from the Prime Minister's office saying Tony Blair intended to recommend his name to the Queen in the New Year's honours list, he thought: "OBE, me? Up yours."

He wrote that the very title "Order of the British Empire" reminded him of "thousands of years of brutality - it reminds me of how my foremothers were raped and my forefathers brutalised".

He added: "Stick it, Mr Blair and Mrs Queen, stop going on about empire."

Zephaniah also challenged the Prime Minister to clarify "suspicious circumstances" surrounding the death of his cousin Michael Powell in Birmingham's Thornhill police station in September.

An inquest has been opened and adjourned but no cause of death has yet been given.

Hundreds marched through the city earlier this month to demand justice for Mr Powell.

************************************************
Thursday November 27, 2003
The Guardian

'Me? I thought, OBE me? Up yours, I thought' 

An invitation to the palace to accept a New Year honour... you must be joking. Benjamin Zephaniah won't be going. Here he explains why.... 
(full story here)

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A Poet Called Benjamin Zephaniah

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© The Irish Freedom Committee® NewsList - IFC Updates

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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE® NEWSLIST
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Subject: McAllister Home Surrounded, Support is Needed
Date: November 24, 2003

BULLETIN FROM:

THE LAW OFFICES OF SMITH DORNAN & SHEA PC 
WWW.SDS-LAW.COM E-MAIL: EDORNAN@SDS-LAW.COM 
355 LEXINGTON AVENUE, SEVENTEENTH FLOOR, NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10017 
(212) 370-5316 TELEFACSIMILE (212) 370-7174 

November 24, 2003

McALLISTER FAMILY UNDER SIEGE

The Department of Homeland Security ("DHS"), under the authority of Attorney General John Ashcroft, defying a ruling from the United States Court of Appeals, has laid siege to the home of Bernadette McAllister and her children, Sean and Nicola, and has launched a manhunt for her husband Malachy.

On Wednesday, November 19, 2003, Bernadette and her children were making preparations to celebrate Thanksgiving in the New Jersey town of Wallington. That was until Bernadette received the shock decision from the Board of Immigration Appeals that she and her children were to be stripped of their hard-won status of political asylum and deported within 30 days back to Belfast. Worse still, her husband Malachy was in grave danger of being shackled and deported immediately. 

As the McAllisters raced to file their appeals and seek the protection of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, around 20 DHS agents surrounded their home in the early hours of Friday morning, and two agents barged their way into her home looking for her husband. The last time armed government agents descended on the McAllister home was in 1988 in Belfast when a pro-British Loyalist death-squad came to kill Malachy and launched a sustained gun attack on her children and their grandmother. A federal judge found, as a result, that Bernadette and the children had suffered "severe persecution" and granted them political asylum in the United States.

The Federal agents who raided her home refused to identify themselves and still have not produced a warrant for her husband's arrest. Nevertheless they threatened to arrest Bernadette and her children for "obstruction of justice" when she attempted to serve them with a court-stamped copy of her motion seeking a stay of the detention and removal of her husband. 

Despite the fact that the Court of Appeals immediately issued a temporary stay of removal pending its decision on this case, the DHS remains staked out at the McAllister home and continues, unlawfully, to treat Malachy McAllister as a "fugitive" from the very removal order which the Court has stayed! More disturbingly, the DHS continues to threaten Bernadette with criminal arrest for "obstruction of justice." The irony is glaring. The only people in this case obstructing the wheels of justice are John Ashcroft's DHS agents. 

The McAllister family's case enjoys the widespread support of many in the Irish-American community and its media, among groups such as the Irish American Unity Conference and the Ancient Order of Hibernians, as well as the support of many Congressional leaders. However, the family remains in grave danger and we must keep the pressure on until the siege is lifted.

Call Attorney General John Ashcroft and demand to know why Malachy McAllister is being treated as a fugitive, and why the DHS are staking out the McAllister home in the run-up to Thanksgiving, when their appeal has been accepted by a United States Court of Appeals. Call your Senator and Representative, and ask that they sign on to a letter from Stephen R. Rothman (D, NJ; 9th District) instructing the DHS to allow Malachy McAllister to return home without fear of arrest and detention.

DEMAND THAT THE SIEGE BE LIFTED NOW!

Hon. John Ashcroft
Attorney General
U.S. Department of Justice 
950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW 
Washington, DC 20530-0001
Tel: (202) 353-1555

If you wish to send a donation to help defray the legal costs in what may be an extensive legal battle, please make checks payable to Smith Dornan & Shea PC, mark as "McAllister Legal Defense Fund", and send to: 

Smith Dornan & Shea PC
355 Lexington Avenue
17th Floor
New York, NY 10017


WWW.SDS-LAW.COM
Phone: (212) 370-5316 
Fax: (212) 370-7174

Contact: Eamonn Dornan, Esq.,  (212) 370-5316

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© The Irish Freedom Committee® NewsList - IFC Updates

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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE® NEWSLIST
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Subject: Riot police at Maghaberry, Magilligan
Date: November 22, 2003

------------------
The Guardian 
Saturday November 22, 2003

Riot police called in to three Ulster jails after walkout 
Rosie Cowan, Ireland correspondent

Hundreds of riot police were called in to run Northern Ireland's jails yesterday after prison officers walked out in an unofficial protest at under-staffing and paramilitary threats. 
Prison officers left their posts at lunchtime at jails in Maghaberry, Co Antrim; Magilligan, Co Down; and Hydebank young offenders' centre in Belfast. 

Finlay Spratt, chairman of the Prison Officers Association, denied he had prior knowledge of the action but fully supported it. "If prison officers have decided they are too sick and stressed to work, then they have my full sympathy," he said. 

Last year, police investigating an alleged IRA spy ring at Stormont found that prison officers' names and addresses had been passed to the IRA. 

But loyalist terrorists are thought to be behind the majority of attacks on prison officers' homes, which have escalated in the past few months. 

Officers say they have also been under stress because of the recent decision to segregate loyalist and dissident republican prisoners at Maghaberry. Some dissident republicans had staged a "dirty protest", smearing excrement on the walls of their cells, and loyalists had staged rooftop protests. 

Mr Spratt said: "If a prison officer allowed details of a prisoner to fall into terrorist hands he would be sacked on the spot. Yet their personal security doesn't seem to matter. They're letting government and the prison authorities know they've had enough." 

Peter Russell, director general of the Northern Ireland prison service, condemned the action as "reprehensible". 

"It increases the potential for disruption in the prisons where there is already a volatile atmosphere," he said. "Modern industrial relations should be based on dialogue and cooperation, that is the way these matters should be resolved. Nothing will be achieved by coercion. 

"I regard this as unofficial industrial action. It is simply not credible for the POA to suggest this is unilateral action taken without their approval. 

"Staff were warned of the consequences of leaving their posts. It is a breach of their terms and conditions and they will not be entitled to pay." 

More than 1,600 officers manage the three regimes, and prison sources said at least 60% of those on duty yesterday quit without notice. 

Some 500 officers were on duty across the three prisons; 60% did not return from lunch. 

Specialist units trained to deal with sectarian street disorder have been deployed, security sources said. 

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© The Irish Freedom Committee® NewsList - IFC Updates

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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE® NEWSLIST
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Subject: RUC/PSNI police take over prisons
Date: November 21, 2003

Riot police have taken over Maghaberry and Magilligan prisons-- both housing republicans-- as well as Hydebank youth offenders’ center today. 
More news to follow.

The Irish Freedom Committee® 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
************************************************
BBC News
Friday, 21 November, 2003, 16:13 GMT 

Police called in to staff prisons

Maghaberry prison is NI's high security jail 

Hundreds of prison officers have failed to turn up for work at Northern Ireland's three main prisons. 

Visits to Maghaberry jail in County Antrim, Magilligan prison in County Londonderry, and Hydebank Young Offenders centre on the outskirts of Belfast, were cancelled on Friday as police officers were called in to provide cover. 

The normal prison regime has been suspended at all three jails and prisoners have been locked in their cells. 

The Prison Officers' Association has been involved in a long-running row with management over security arrangements for staff at their homes. 

The union dismissed a recent meeting with the Prisons Minister Jane Kennedy as "a waste of time". 

The Prison Service has condemned the action as "reprehensible". 

Director General of the Prison Service, Peter Russell said the action, which he said was unofficial, would do nothing to resolve the issue. 

"Staff were warned this morning of the consequences of leaving their posts. It is a breach of their terms and conditions of service and as such they will not be entitled to pay," he said. 

"This action increases the potential for disruption in the prisons when there is already a volatile atmosphere." 

Finlay Spratt, chairman of the Prison Officers Association, said he supported his members but added that he had not known of the action in advance. 

"I fully support any decision they have made. 

"If they are stressed out and sick, they have my utmost sympathy. This was to show government and management that they had had enough." 

Recently, dozens of cells were wrecked during trouble at the high security Maghaberry jail. 

In September, a review of safety at Maghaberry recommended separating republican and loyalist prisoners. 

The move was being introduced in the wake of violent clashes between rival groups in the jail and in the face of a "dirty protest" by a group of dissident republican prisoners. 

As well as paramilitary prisoners, Maghaberry houses male and female prisoners, whether they are convicted or on remand, and a number of asylum seekers. 
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© The Irish Freedom Committee® NewsList - IFC Updates

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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE® NEWSLIST
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Subject: ACTION REQUEST – Malachy McAlister
Date: November 20, 2003

Please call your US Senator and State Representatives grant asylum to Malachy McAllister and his family. He and his family were forced to flee Belfast in 1988 after their home was attacked by loyalist paramilitaries who fired twenty-five bullets into their house, narrowly missing three of their children and Mrs. McAllister's mother. Death threats remain on his life, and if he is deported to his death at the hands of loyalists who have as yet threatened to kill him, the US Bureau of Customs and Immigration Enforcement/INS action will be seen as having led to his assassination.

Find your US State Representatives and US Senator HERE:

NO MORE JOE DOHERTYS!! 

The current administration has already deported John Eddie McNichol -- a father of three US-born children-- and has forcibly held Ciaran Ferry in prison for nearly one year following his appearance at the INS to apply for permanent residence. Both men had fled to the United States to escape British-aided loyalist paramilitary threats on their lives, and had come here to work and pay taxes to this country.

Please read the following bulletin from the Brehon Law Society below. 
More information at bottom.


The Irish Freedom Committee® 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net

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20 November 2003

From the Brehon Law Society
To All,

I recieved a call from Malachy McAllister a few hours ago. Our Immigration Dept has denied his appeal. He could be picked up within the next 12 hours and either deported or jailed pending any further stay. Our goverment has also said that his wife and family should be deported in 30 days. When I talked to Malacy he hadn't even broken the news to his youngest daughter. Last weekend the McAlilster's celebrated their 25th wedding anniversary. If everyone one of you contacts your goverment reps NOW, the McAllisters will be able to celebrate their 26th in the USA, where they want to celebrate 
many, many more.

Malachy is a brother Hibernian, He and his family are productive, taxpaying members of our society. They are not terrorists.

Call your Senators and Congressman now. STOP THE McALLISTER DEPORTATIONS!!!!

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More information on the McAllister Family’s case here;
http://www.fortunecity.com/bally/harp/333/mcallister.html

October 2003 interview with Malachy McAllister - WEDO Radio, PA 
http://www.pittsburghirish.org/echoesoferin/interviews/McAlister.htm

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© The Irish Freedom Committee® NewsList - IFC Updates 

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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE® NEWSLIST
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Subject: Father of Gareth O’Connor: “think hard” before voting for Sinn Féin
Date: November 19, 2003

Republican Gareth O’Connor is missing without a trace since May, since confronting Pro-Treaty thugs who extorted thousands of pounds from local families in a fraudulent investment scheme.

Police have recently visited the O'Connor home again to warn Gareth's younger brother that his life is now under death threat.

Read more HERE:  Provo Broy Harriers


The Irish Freedom Committee® 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
************************************************
Irish News
November 18, 2003

Father of missing man makes election plea
by Bimpe Fatogun

The father of a Co Armagh man believed to have been abducted and murdered by the IRA has called for nationalists to “think hard” before voting for Sinn Féin in the forthcoming election. 

The appeal comes on the six-month anniversary of the disappearance of 24-year-old Gareth O'Connor. And last night (Monday) Gareth's father, Mark O'Connor, revealed that police had visited the family to warn his youngest son his life is a risk from “criminal elements”. 

Mr O'Connor said the family believe these elements to be the same Provisional republicans responsible for the disappearance of Gareth. 

A Volkswagen Golf the father-of-two was driving was last seen passing through the south Armagh border village of Newtownhamilton in May. 

In an Irish News interview (- Poster’s note: see excerpt below -) two months later, Chief Constable Hugh Orde said it was “highly likely” that the IRA was behind the suspected abduction and murder. 

However, a statement issued by the IRA denied it was “involved in the recent disappearance of Gareth O'Connor”. 

Last night Sinn Féin again rebutted suggestions the IRA was involved in the incident. But Mr O'Connor's father made a direct appeal to voters accusing Sinn Féin of “fascism for the people they have murdered for speaking out against them”. 

“I urge voters of Northern Ireland to think about all the deeds Sinn Féin/IRA have done in the past and possibly to their own family,” he said. 

“I urge the voters to think about the disappeared. Think hard before you vote.” 

Last night a spokesman for Sinn Féin said: “The IRA has issued a clear statement on this matter. 

“Sinn Féin have repeatedly called on anyone with any information on the whereabouts of Gareth to come forward and give it to the family.” 

However, Mr O'Connor, who said Gareth's son and girlfriend will be forced to leave their home after Christmas as the family can no longer afford to keep up the mortgage payment, predicted a backlash against the party at the forthcoming elections. 

“I am calling on all right-minded people to say you don't know what's going to happen to your child or grandchild,” he said.
************************************************
From: Irish News interview with PSNI Chief Constable Hugh Orde
"A year in the job and Hugh Orde is fed up talking about the past" (Irish News, July 31, 2003)
............
(EXCERPT)

For the first time in three years republicans have carried out more paramilitary-style attacks than their loyalist counterparts. 

Mr Orde disclosed that between February 25 and July 28 this year, the Provisional IRA were behind 19 such shootings, five beatings “and we think probably more than that”. 

“It is interesting that PIRA have increased their level of punishment, whatever they call it, community policing,” he says. 

“I wonder if it is because the grip they had before was because of the elections. ie. if you do too many shootings you damage Sinn Féin. 

“Lack of elections has allowed them to free up and go back and do what they do best, which is hurt people.” 

The chief constable also revealed that it was “highly likely” that the Provisionals were behind the abduction and suspected murder of Co Armagh man Gareth O’Connor

When asked whether he believes the IRA kidnapped and killed the 24-year-old, who was facing dissident republican charges in the Republic when he disappeared in May, Mr Orde replied: “I think it is highly likely. If it was anyone else, he probably would have been found. 

“I would be surprised if he was found. Experience tells me, given the historic of this place, it is unlikely. 

“He is not the first person to go missing and never to have been recovered.” 

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© The Irish Freedom Committee® NewsList - IFC Updates

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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE® NEWSLIST
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Subject: Martin Mulholland: "Further Problems at Maghaberry Gaol"
Date: November 12, 2003

The following statement was released today from prisoners’ rights spokesperson MARTIN MULHOLLAND in Belfast.

Please contact the Northern Ireland Prisons Service and the Northern Ireland Office to protest DISCRIMINATORY, INHUMANE, RANDOM and CRUEL 
policies for Irish Political Prisoners.

Link HERE for a sample letter and email addresses:
http://members.freespeech.org/irishpows/bb3/november_2003.htm#ciaran_protest


Go raibh maith agat;

The Irish Freedom Committee® 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
************************************************
STATEMENT BY MARTIN MULHOLLAND
DATE: 12TH NOVEMBER 2003.

FURTHER PROBLEMS AT MAGHABERRY GAOL

"(We) view with serious concern recent events relating to Maghaberry gaol. 

"On Monday 10th November republican prisoner Ciaran Mc Laughlin’s father died. A request for compassionate parole was made to the Northern Ireland Prison Service so that Ciaran could attend his father’s funeral and be with his family during this trying time. The NIPS responded by offering Ciaran just 12 hours to travel to and from Derry, attend the funeral and burial, and comfort his family. Needless to say Ciaran refused such an insulting offer as he felt, rather than alleviate some of the pain, such a scenario would have added to his family’s hardship and grief. The treatment handed out to Ciaran is in sharp contrast to others being allowed to vary their bail conditions to accomodate the celebration of the eleventh night bonfire and another Loyalist prisoner being given parole to “help his granny move house”.

"Also on Monday this week three people appeared in court in Derry charged with arms offences. The conduct of the PSNI/RUC outside the court to the families and friends of those inside was totally unacceptable. People were manhandled and forcible pushed aside without cause for such heavy-handed action. The brother and partner of one of the people before the court were both forced to the ground and could have sustained injury had friends not come to their aid. It appears the ‘new’ PSNI again let their ‘veil’ slip and the good old bigoted RUC was there for all to see.

"To further compound these problems one of the women charged has now been victimised by the governor of Maghaberry Women’s Gaol-- (Mourne House). This woman appeared before the court as Mary Burns. Although she declined to either confirm or deny this, she has been remanded into custody in Mourne House under this name. Likewise she has been allocated a prison number under this name and the prison have accepted her clothes and money under this 
name, but today the Governor has decided that she will not be allowed visits in the foreseeable future until she speaks to him to confirm her identity. It would appear that the Governor is making up the rules as he goes along. We have heard of breaches of prison rules by prisoners saying the wrong thing but now punishment is being handed out for saying nothing at all.

"We... insist that this woman is treated with human dignity and demand that her right to be visited by family and friends is respected. Nowhere in prison rules does it state that a prisoner must speak!!! We further demand that all Republican prisoners are guaranteed adequate time to spend with their families at times of bereavement and that they are not denied such a basic right at the whim of whoever happens to be on duty on a particular day. Decency and common-sense should prevail at such traumatic times. Those working to their own selfish agendas need to realise that it is human beings who are suffering and bearing the brunt of their actions."

MESSAGE ENDS.
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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE® NEWSLIST
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Subject: HEAVY HANDED SECURITY-- Derry man, two women in court
Date: November 12, 2003

-------------
Derry Journal
Nov 11 2003

High Security as Three Charged with Arms Offences 
Heavy police presence at Derry Court - pic Derry Journal

DERRY MAGISTRATE'S Court was the scene of a high security operation yesterday morning as three people appeared to face charges of possessing 
firearms.

In excess of 20 police officers dressed in riot gear lined the public gallery of the court as two women and one man stood in the dock to face the charges, which relate to an incident on the Letterkenny Road on Friday.

The man was named as John Brady, 34, of 58 Lisnafin Park, Strabane. One of his co-accused was named as Diane McGlinchy, 26, of 338 Ballycolman 
Estate. The court heard a third defendant, a female, refused to reveal her identity to police or to her defending solicitor.
Defendant John Hugh Brady - pic Derry Journal                                    Accused Diane McGlinchey - pic Derry Journal
However, a representative of the Department of Public Prosecutions revealed that a police search of a flat in Belfast had uncovered photographic identification which matched the female. Her name was revealed as Mary Burns, of Flat 2, 16 Brookhill Avenue, Belfast.

As the accused were led to the dock, there were cheers and applause from a packed public gallery. Resident Magistrate Mr. Barney McElholm told 
the crowd that he would not tolerate any more outbursts of this nature.

None of the three accused acknowledge the clerk of the court as she asked them to confirm their identity.

The charges, that they were found in possession of firearms, namely a semi-automatic pistol and a revolver, with the intent to endanger life or cause serious damage to property were then read. 

Again, the defendant's refused to speak to confirm whether or not they understood the charges.

A Detective Constable Blair from Strand Road Police Station confirmed he had spoken to all three defendants on the late hours of Saturday night and early hours of Sunday morning at Antrim police station, where he had charged them with the offences.

He confirmed that none had replied to those charges. Following questioning from Burns' solicitor, Det. Const. Blair confirmed that this defendant had not spoken at all during questioning, except when it was put to her that she was a member of a paramilitary organisation.

"I am not a member of an illegal organisation, nor have I ever been," Burns replied.

All three were remanded in custody to appear again at Derry Magistrate's Court via videolink on Thursday.

As the three left the courtroom, they were greeted with cheers and a standing ovation from the public gallery. One of the female defendants punched the air triumphantly. Shouts of "IRA" and "Kangaroo Court" also rang out, before the courtroom was cleared.

Later in the morning's proceedings, defence solicitor Mr. John Fahy, who is representing Brady and McGlinchy, said he wished to formally state that he believed the police presence in court that morning was excessive.

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© The Irish Freedom Committee® NewsList - IFC Updates 

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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE® NEWSLIST
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Subject: Fionbarra O'Dochartaigh - 'I'm Not Dead - Honest!' 
Date: November 12, 2003

We are happy to report that rumors last weekend of the death of Civil Rights veteran Fionnbarra Ó Dochartaigh have been “greatly exaggerated”!

Fionbarra was seen at his own wake Monday evening at a Derry establishment; smoking, regaling and holding court as ever.

More below: 
- “'I'm Not Dead - Honest!' “ – Derry Journal, November 11, 2003
- Comment: Sue Denham – London Sunday Times, Nov. 9, 2003
- Stormont Watch account – Sunday Nov. 9, 2003

Our condolences to the family of the departed Finbar O'Kane.


The Irish Freedom Committee® 
www.irishfreedomcommittee.net
************************************************
Derry Journal
Nov 11 2003

'I'm Not Dead - Honest!' 
By Erin Hutcheon

DERRY CIVIL Rights activist Fionbarra O'Dochartaigh was last night celebrating his ' resurrection' from the dead, after ending a rumour circulating in the city that he had passed away on Saturday morning.

Mr. O'Dochartaigh said he was "dumbfounded" when crowds of people started gathering at his home in Crawford Square at the weekend laden with mass cards and wreaths.

"I've spent most of the weekend ringing my family and friends who come from as far away as America, Trinidad and England telling them that I wasn't dead," said Fionbarra.

"It's amazing how quickly news can spread these days with the Internet and I had family in other countries trying to book their flights to come home for my wake and funeral.

"We've also had loads of phone calls, emails and sympathy cards."

The Derry historian revealed that the first he heard of his reported death was on Saturday afternoon when a friend rang him to tell him about the rumour.

"My friend said she was overjoyed to heard my voice," said Fionbarra. "She told me that the great civil rights activist Finbar O'Kane from Garvagh had died in the Foyle Hospice that morning and people must have been getting me mixed up with him.

"I wasn't annoyed about it. To me it seemed like a logical mistake as Finbar and I share the same Christian name and were both active in the civil rights movement.

"However later I saw how far the rumour had gone when people started arriving at the house to offer condolences to my sister and mother. Before we knew it the house was full of mass cards and mourners.

"The real shock came for the people when I came down the stairs quoting Mark Twain saying: 'News of my demise has been greatly exaggerated.'

"They were all gobsmacked.

"One woman laughed remarking: "I've never shook the hand of a dead man before!

"Another friend joked that I owed him £1.60 for the mass card he bought me."

Mr. O'Dochartaigh who was reported to have died of a heart attack said that the weirdest part of the whole incident was seeing his name written on a mass card.

"That was quite shocking," he remarked. "But I am able to see the funny side of it now. It's been a close encounter with death."

Apparently it wasn't just locals who were caught out by the news of Fionbarra O'Dochartaigh's death as several journalists are reported to have called at the Derry man's house looking for details to put into an obituary for him.

"I suppose it's nice to know that I'll be missed when my time eventually does come," said Fionbarra.

"Some of my friends have told me to take the whole incident as a sign from above to stop smoking. We'll see.

"But for the moment I intend sticking around. You can't get rid of me that easily.

"I would like to thank everyone who offered their condolences, however premature, to my family and I."

************************************************
London Sunday Times
Sunday November 9, 2003

COMMENT

Reports of Fionnbarra Ó Dochartaigh's death have been greatly exaggerated. The Derry historian, radical and all-round character spent most of yesterday reassuring people who phoned that he was NOT dead.

This followed a report to the Derry News that Óochartaigh died at 5.ooam yesterday holding the hand of former Bishop Edward Daly.

In fact the man who passed on was Finbar O'Kane.

************************************************
(From Stormont Watch - http://voy.com/70381/)
Sunday November 9, 2003

Finbar O'Kane was also a civil rights veteran, who hailed from Glennullen, in Co. Derry. Both men knew each other well since 1968, but haven't been in contact for many years.

Finbar died at Foyle Hospice, and this Christian name is so uncommon, and with a joint civil rights connection, people believed local rumours. The Irish News sent a photographer to-day to Ó Dochartaigh's home, to prove the point. He was snapped with his terrier dog, in a nearby park. Other sections of the media contacted friends to obtain material for an obituary. Several people even arrived at his home with Mass cards. 

Friends say they will hold a wake on Monday afternoon at his favourite watering hole. The 'corpse' has been invited, and assured that he will not be expected to buy any drinks, but can smoke as usual.

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IRISH FREEDOM COMMITTEE® NEWSLIST
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Subject: PRISON REFUSES COMPASSIONATE PAROLE 
Date: November 11, 2003

*******Please forward widely********

BREAKING NEWS: PRISONER ON PROTEST
----------------------

LEAVE APPEAL REFUSED

A judicial review has refused to grant the entitled 72-hours compassionate parole to Irish Republican Political Prisoner Ciaran McLaughlin to attend his father’s wake and funeral. 

The court ruled that Ciaran would get “12 hours or nothing”, in flagrant contempt of the standard 72 hours parole which is the right of every sentenced prisoner in the case of a family bereavement. 

Ciaran’s wife Bernie has told us that it appears an “example” is being made of Ciaran.

PROTEST

Ciaran has endured numerous attempts to block his right to compassionate parole in the recent past to visit both his gravely ill parents and his dying grandson. Ciaran has now told his wife and family that he will refuse the insufficient 12-hours leave, in protest of a selective and discriminatory prison policy towards Republican political prisoners. Ciaran has made this difficult and heartbreaking choice as his only available response to what appears to be a new precedent in cruelty being set for all other republican prisoners in time to come. 

In recent months loyalist prisoners have been granted leave to attend weddings and other family gatherings, and in one instance this summer a loyalist prisoner was granted extra leave time to recover from a hangover following his release to attend July 12th bonfires this year.

IFC ACTION REQUEST

Please speak out on behalf of Ciaran McLaughlin, his family, and all of the other Republican prisoners who are being punished alongside Ciaran, in this selective and callous treatment of Irish Republican political prisoners at Maghaberry.

It is tragic enough that this man must endure yet another heartbreaking loss of a loved one, but to torment him further by denying him his right to attend the wake and funeral of his father is needlessly cruel in the extreme, particularly when the 72-hour leave is granted other prisoners for such frivolous and even sectarian occasions as weddings and bonfires.

PLEASE WRITE TO THE NIPS AND NIO TODAY – PROTEST THIS SELECTIVE, DISCRIMINATORY, AND ABUSIVE TREATMENT OF REPUBLICAN PRISONERS.

>>>>SAMPLE LETTER BELOW – COPY AND PASTE: (note email addresses included in body of addresses)

--------------------------------------

NORTHERN IRELAND PRISON SERVICE
Mr. Peter Russell - Director General
Room 321
Prison Service Headquarters
Dundonald House
Upper Newtownards Road
BELFAST BT4 3SU
E-Mail: info@niprisonservice.gov.uk


Dear Mr. Russell;

I am greatly disappointed to learn that a compassionate leave of 72 hours parole-- the right to every sentenced prisoner in the case of a family bereavement-- has been refused to Irish political prisoner Ciaran McLaughlin to attend the wake and funeral of his father.

It seems needlessly cruel to deny a man the right to properly bury his father and grieve with his family, particularly when his right guarantees the full 72-hour leave.

I am aware that such leave is commonly granted other prisoners without any difficulty. In a well-publicized case last summer, your offices extended extra leave time to a loyalist prisoner, paroled to attend the sectarian Twelfth of July bonfires, so that he could recover from a hangover.

I have now learned that Ciaran has refused the insufficient 12-hour leave, in protest of your attempts to set a precedent for all other Republican prisoners. Your selective leave policy has thus denied a man the right to attend his own father's wake and funeral, while you allow other prisoners 72 hours leave to attend weddings, christenings, and sectarian bonfires. 

I am well aware of Mr. McLaughlin's long history of difficulties in securing compassionate leave during the lingering death of his baby grandson, and the grave illnesses of both his mother and father. These abuses by your offices have been widely publicized here in the United States.

I wholly object to this inhumane treatment and will continue to alert Americans to this ongoing policy of selective, discriminatory, and abusive treatment of Irish political prisoners in British jails.

Yours very sincerely;

(YOUR NAME/CITY HERE)

---------------------

>>>>Please also copy the same letter to:

NORTHERN IRELAND OFFICE
Mr. Paul Murphy - Secretary of State for Northern Ireland
Block B
Castle Buildings
Belfast BT4 3STGTN
Phone: 440 02890 520 700 (24 hours)
Fax: 02890 528473/528478/528482
Email: press.nio@nics.gov.uk
---------------------------------------

The Steele Review has recommended policies to safeguard human rights for Republican prisoners but these recommendations have yet to manifest themselves in the treatment of Irish Republican Political Prisoners.

PLEASE MAKE YOUR VOICE HEARD TODAY!!

Go raibh maith agat;

The Irish Freedom Committee® 
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Subject: IFC Condolences to Maghaberry POW Ciaran McLaughlin
Date: Tuesday November 11, 2003

The Irish Freedom Committee extends our heartfelt condolences to Irish Republican political prisoner Ciaran McLaughlin on the death of his father Denis, who passed away yesterday after a long illness. 

The McLaughlin family has endured much tragedy and heartbreak over the past few years, with the sad death of Ciaran’s two-year-old baby grandson last year, and his callous treatment at the hands of the Prisons Service in the protracted delays of his entitled compassionate parole to see both the dying baby and his gravely ill parents.

A wreath has been sent to the wake and funeral of Denis McLaughlin on behalf of the Irish Freedom Committee and all of our Members.

Please send cards of condolence to:
Ciaran McLaughlin, Upper Ballinderry Road, Lisburn, Co. Antrim, BT 28 2PT, North of Ireland 

Cards of condolence can be forwarded to the McLaughlin family from:
McLaughlin family , c/o Irish Freedom Committee, P.O. Box 11417, Chicago IL 60611

We will post further news here shortly.


The Irish Freedom Committee® 
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Subject: Maghaberry warder in LVF, drugs link
Date: Sunday November 9, 2003

The Maghaberry prison warder is a close associate of leading loyalist paramilitary figures including Billy King, successor to the LVF’s Billy “King Rat” Wright. 

The Irish Freedom Committee® 
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Belfast Telegraph - Sunday Life
Publication Date: 09 November 2003 

The jailer, the LVF boss and the coke cops 

By Alan Murray 


A FEMALE prison officer has been suspended from duty, after she was found with an LVF chief by cops investigating a £1m cocaine seizure.

The pretty warder was with the top LVF man when police raided her house in mid-Ulster, in an operation connected to the massive drugs find.

No drugs were found at the woman's home, but it is understood that a number of items were taken away for examination.

It is also understood the woman officer had been under police surveillance for some time.

It followed intelligence reports that she had also been spotted in the company of well-known Lurgan LVF man, Billy King, who served a 16-year sentence for conspiring to murder.

While behind bars, King took over as leader of the LVF faction following the murder of the terror group's founder, Billy Wright.

The £30,000-per-year officer has now been suspended from her duties at the high-security Maghaberry Prison. 

Another property owned by the officer is also understood to have been searched in the raids, on Thursday, October 23. 

Following a series of raids, Conrad Joseph Litter, a 33-year-old welder from Hilden, Lisburn, was charged with possessing cocaine, which was discovered in a shed at Ballynamony Lane, Lurgan. 

A Crown Prosecutor told a bail application that an industrial press and a vacuum sealer were found in the shed and they'd been used to reconstitute powder cocaine into packages "like Mars bars". 

Litter has not been linked to the LVF.

Neither the female prison officer, nor the top LVF man found at her home, were arrested.

But the Prison Service was informed of the development and the officer was suspended on full pay the next day, for an alleged breach of prison regulations. 

The police refused to make any comment about the raid on the officer's home. 

But the Prison Service confirmed that a female prison officer had been suspended, after information was received from the PSNI. 

The officer had been under police surveillance in the past for allegedly having contact with leading loyalist paramilitary figures in mid-Ulster. 

Said a security source: "It wasn't a coincidence that her home was raided and this particular figure found inside. 

"The whole operation was against LVF financing and the man who was with her is someone who has knowledge of that end, as well as the terror end. 

"He is a very dangerous character and for her to associate with him was a major breach of prison regulations, to say the least," one security source said. 

Three years ago, the officer was suspended from duty for six months after police searched her home and took away one of her luxury cars for forensic examination. 

No criminal charges were brought against the officer at that time and she returned to her duties. 

It is understood she has been suspended under section five of the Prison Service code of conduct since the police search of her home. 

A prison service spokesman told Sunday Life: "An officer at Maghaberry has been suspended from duty pending ongoing police investigations."

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Subject: Maghaberry ‘Tinderbox’ – Derry Journal 
Date: Friday November 7, 2003

The Irish Freedom Committee® 
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Derry Journal
Friday November 7, 2003

Maghaberry: first flames from a tinderbox
by Fionnbarra Ó Dochartaigh

Fionnbarra Ó Dochartaigh, a co-founder of the civil rights movement in 1967, returns to the prisons’ issue. This veteran campaigner, reflects a highly pesimistic viewpoint on what is happening, and why, behind the walls, lookout towers and barbed wire of jails in the Six Counties. He focuses particularly on HMP Maghaberry, near Lisburn.

HMP Maghabery: first flames from a tinderbox

“Keep the PSNI and troops out” call

On Monday morning as firemen tackled two blazes, one in the laundry of Maghaberry and another at one of the houses, or blocks, a prisoner elsewhere, believed to be a loyalist, was setting his cell furniture and other contents alight. After September and the Steele report, HMP Maghaberry, hopefully, would no longer be described as a tinderbox. However, in spite of, or because of the recent successful campaign that led to the much-needed reforms flowing from that report, we have now witnessed the first red (or orange) flames and heat of reactionary resentment.

One could argue, with some justification, that many prisoners and their families may well become the unwitting victims of what are certainly vested interests, beyond their control. No doubt they may yet come to view their collective plight to be that of mere pawns or political footballs in a game of high stakes. There is an on-going tense industrial dispute among prison officers, who since the days of the ‘Iron Lady’, cannot legally withdraw their labour. Yet, there are ways of getting around Maggie Thatcher’s Criminal Justice Act, and bringing the jails to a standstill. Such anticipated fall-outs are undoubtedly 
linked to a violent UDA-inspired campaign. This is literally threatening the lives, limbs and liberties of prison staff and their loved ones, which may in time, have dire consequences for many others, both ‘inside’ and out.

Blue flu and ‘Provo spy’

November 5, 2003, reliable sources assert, had been earmarked for a day of action by all prison staff. It now appears that there was a hasty change of intention hours after the Assembly election date was fixed for later this month. It seems we have been spared witnessing all the jails being paralysed by an outbreak of “blue flu”. If on another date this flu manifests itself, it will ‘ mysteriously’ afflict some 1,700 officers. Its main symptom can conveniently avoid the illegality of a work stoppage, and no doubt the fall in wages associated with such, because of a claim that they are ill, all on the same day. No doubt many prison officers are really currently ill. But what many of their colleagues formerly argued privately, that they need to protest against the delays in protecting the homes of around a third of their colleagues, is now filtering into the public domain.

The UDA, in the main, are suspected of being the culprits behind the death-threats and actual attacks on selected prison-related “targets”. The figure of “one third “of officers is not simply plucked from thin air, but is based on the number of files, allegedly downloaded by a “Provisional spy” from the Prison Service’s main computer system. Yet, is there any overt threat from the Provos, as we are constantly told by their political masters, and in latter days its own “P.O’Neill”, that they remain committed to their cease-fire declaration? (View: “PIRA war is over”, Vincent Browne, Tuesday, November 04, 2003, 
www.voy.com/70381/). No doubt it makes for good copy, when the POA can link the (P) IRA and UDA et al, to their current besieged plight.

Such must contain a covert aim of drawing British politicians to their assistance, with a nod and a wink that will more than hint that recent “ill-advised” reforms are to blame. One could argue therefore that a combination of seemingly diverse interests, on the part of the Prison Officers Association (POA) and hard-line loyalists, actually conspire to make the situation even worst. Both elements, unconvincingly, I contend, deny that there is any conspiracy afoot within, or even possibly between, their respective camps. Nevertheless, fact can be stranger than fiction, certainly in this particular neck-of-the-woods.

Terror, stress and overtime

Members of the P OA are engaged in an overtime ban, which one suspects will end well before Christmas. Nevertheless, in Maghaberry alone it is 
estimated that each officer is owed on average 500 hours leave under the current management of staff agreement, others sources claim that some are owed 3,000 hours leave. Such figures have far-reaching financial implications. How these are tackled may prove to be highly interesting, if we are ever told. The POA claim, and no doubt there is some justice in such, that because of stress, arising from the UDA’s campaign of terror, such has led to short staffing, and many can’t get time off. Some within the service, and even some journalists point to these factors as if to present a justification for the “blue flu” strategy that jail bosses still anticipate.

All this seems to let the UDA and its allies off the hook, rather than expose the fact that the latter are out to inflict as much pressure as possible so that the joint prison managements will concede their demand for Maze-style paramilitary structures and greater control. Many can be forgiven for harbouring a belief that this has more to do with the loyalists’ Godfathers drug-related criminality, than any real desire for genuine politicals status. In fact, the question must be asked, has loyalism, as manifested over several years, got anything whatsoever to do with practical politics or ‘ defending their communities’ any more? Their loyalty, to paraphrase an old saying, could have more to do with the local half-crown in their pockets, rather than a somewhat remote 
English Crown.

PSNI and troops? 

Monday’s incidents must surely up the ante as concerns are growing that prisoners and wardens could yet suffer agonisingly painful deaths if major fires arise from deliberately created ones in individual cells, or in laundries, recreation or storage areas. The anticipated “blue flu epidemic” may yet result in the paramilitary PSNI, and even British troops being mobilised to jointly run the prisons alongside their existing respective managements. Such an outcome can but only fan the flames.

In such a situation republican prisoners, their families, and visitors, who already feel vulnerable, will have further cause for even graver concerns. The current POA ‘work to rule’ has resulted in both poor staffing cover and almost total lock-up for all prisoners. It must be stressed that elite sections of the POA and the UDA share at least one thing in common, they resent with a burning passion the implementation of the Steele reforms. On that one the media, in the main, adopt the stance of those three, supposedly, “wise monkeys”. 

These long-overdue reforms came about as a result of a republican “dirty protest” and a vigorous campaign by relatives, a few key political and clerical figures who shunned any media glare, welfare groups, and others concerned with human rights and civil liberties. Foremost in their collective consciousness was a deep fear that history would repeat itself; the dark years 1976 to 81 being uppermost in mind. The sufferings of ten hunger-strike martyrs were never far from that humanitarian mindset at several behind-the-scenes encounters, at a pivotal international conference held in Derry on February 22, or among 
the small numbers who took to the streets against the then existing penal status quo, particularly in Maghaberry.

Who will call the tune?

It is only logical that the POA must accept that they are mere employees of the British Crown, and that they are considered well paid to implement any policy that their Direct-Rulers deem necessary. By accepting such a professional role they therefore have every right to demand of their colonial masters that their lives, families, and dwellings be protected, in return. On the basis of such, their political opinions should not influence their work , in particular, their day-to-day treatment of visitors or diverse categories of prisoners, political or otherwise. 

If the POA is out to provoke the British government into any incremental watering-down of the Steele recommendations, then the scientific fact that any action produces a reaction will again be proven to those who may doubt such. Many can but hope, but only a few handfuls can guarantee, that such reactions will always be of a peaceful variety. The POA’s actions and those of the UDA could yet make the serious situation even worse. Any reversals on Steele will undoubtedly be viewed by many, not merely traditional republicans, as major betrayals, and highly intolerable. All agencies and individuals that were engaged, overtly or covertly in breathing life into the Steele reforms, must now acknowledge the fact that this situation must be confronted and brought to a speedy conclusion. The real question now is, how? 

The introduction of armed units of the PSNI and British troops into HMP Maghaberry, or any prison, is most certainly not the answer, and must be resisted at all costs. The antipathy against these forces is not confined to so-called ‘dissidents’, which is a matter of record.

Above all, a Blair-led Labour government must face up to the diverse political agendas involved. It should not allow either the POA or blatantly bigoted paramilitaries dictate the pace of Steele’s reforms. In any dispute, or suspected conspiracy, the British government must stand firm in its support of basic human rights. The welfare of all prisoners and their families should never again be sacrificed on an altar of political expediency. 

We should all know where that path led from ‘76-’81. Genuine republicans and nationalists, on both sides of the border, and especially the Dublin government, cannot afford to be foolishly apathetic or complacent. It is clear that people must mobilise, yet again, so as to protect and build upon what gains that have been won in recent months. Peaceful and constructive campaigning, for which there was neither wages, awards nor public backslapping, is the only sensible and positive approach. Nothing more is urgently required, and nothing less will do. We should learn from history, if we are to ensure that it cannot repeat itself.

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Subject: Prison Warders asked loyalists to attack homes
Date: Friday November 7, 2003

Stories below:

- UDA Accuses Prison Officers Of Security Scam (Belfast Telegraph)
- Warders Asked For Attacks, Says UDA (UTV News)


The Irish Freedom Committee® 
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Belfast Telegraph
Thursday November 7, 2003

UDA Accuses Prison Officers Of Security Scam

The Ulster Defence Association has claimed that prison officers have asked the organisation to mount attacks on their homes to boost their chances of obtaining security grants.

The claim is contained in a UDA statement calling for an end to a long-running loyalist campaign of intimidation against prison officers.

The UDA condemned attacks on the homes of prison officers and called on those responsible to stop immediately.

Its statement went on to say that some prison officers had approached paramilitary groups asking them to organise attacks on their homes so they could claim £17,000 security grants.

The Prison Officers Association said it was sceptical about the claim, but it called on anyone with evidence of such activity to contact the police.

*************************************

UTV
Nov. 7, 2003

Warders Asked For Attacks, Says UDA

THE UDA has called for an end to attacks on prison officers' homes.

The terror group claimed to have evidence that some officers had approached paramilitary groups, asking them to organise attacks so that they could get £17,000 home security grants.

In a statement last night, the largest loyalist paramilitary group said the situation in the prisons had the potential to destabilise the peace process.

"The UFF/UDA and its entire organisation totally condemn any attacks on the homes of prison officers, their families and their property," it said.

"They call on anyone carrying out such attacks to stop immediately.''

Last week, the Prison Officers' Association announced an overtime ban in response to a wave of attacks on officers' homes.

POA chairman Finlay Spratt said his members were considering a one-day strike this week to step up their protest against attacks by loyalist paramilitaries campaigning for segregation from republicans.

In response to the UDA statement, Mr Spratt said: "If the UDA has information that prison officers have approached it to attack their homes then they should make this information available to the PSNI.

"I don't want that type of person in the job but I would have to greet that statement with scepticism.

"Certainly, I welcome any statement from any paramilitary organisation calling for an end to the attacks on prison officers' homes but translating these calls into action on the ground is what is needed.''

Earlier, a group representing UDA inmates called on the Government to bring the Army in to help run the prisons.

Frankie Gallagher of the Prisoner Aid Networking Group said the situation at Maghaberry prison in Co Antrim was at ''exploding point'' following the overtime ban.

"The Government must bring in the Army before the situation gets any worse,'' he said.

Mr Gallagher said that, if the situation continued, prisoners' families would take legal action against management of the Prison Service and the POA.

"The management of the Northern Ireland Prison Service no longer legally provides the duty of care to inmates in accordance with their statutory duty,'' he said.

Mr Gallagher said that his group was lobbying organisations, including the UDA, in a bid to bring the attacks to an end.

He called on the POA to carry out the threat of strike action.

"The prisoners at Maghaberry and their families, as well as prisoners' welfare groups would welcome Finlay Spratt and the POA fulfilling their threat to go on strike so that this situation can be resolved once and for all.''

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Subject: Stevens Inquiry – BRITISH ARMY COLLUSION IN 10 MURDERS
Date: Friday November 7, 2003

Please see links below story for April 2003 Stevens Report download.

The Irish Freedom Committee® 
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BBC News
Friday, 7 November, 2003, 17:16 GMT 

Stevens 'gets to truth' on collusion

Sir John Stevens says he has got to the truth about collusion 

Britain's most senior police officer has said he has got to the truth about collusion between security forces and loyalist paramilitaries in Northern Ireland. 

Speaking at an international conference in Belfast on Thursday, Sir John Stevens said 28 of his officers were still involved in the inquiry. 

It is now focusing on the army agent codenamed Stakeknife. 

"We are bringing to a close some of the investigations in relation to Nelson, (the army informer Brian Nelson), the handlers and other issues," he said. 

"However, the main part of the investigation at the moment, as the prime minister announced in the Houses of Parliament, relates to the allegations against the agent Stakeknife." 
-----------
WHAT IS COLLUSION? 

-Wilful failure to keep records 
-Absence of accountability 
-Withholding intelligence and evidence 
-Agents involved in murder 

-----------

Asked if he found that the RUC had been corrupt, Sir John said that corruption was part of any major organisation, whether it be the RUC or the Metropolitan Police. 

"Corruption is always there, you have to have systems to ensure you can fight that corruption to identify and eradicate it. 

He added: "I would not say it (the RUC) was corrupt any more than some other organisations were corrupt. 

"At the end of the day, they were doing, at that time, a very difficult job". 

In April, it emerged that up to 20 Army and police personnel could face criminal charges in the wake of the Stevens Three report which alleged that rogue elements colluded with loyalist killers. 

Stevens Three 

Sir John found members of the RUC and Army colluded with the largest loyalist paramilitary group, the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), to murder Catholics. 

Informants and agents "were allowed to operate without effective control and to participate in terrorist crimes", the Metropolitan Police Commissioner said. 

The Director of Public Prosecutions has been considering whether criminal charges should be brought. 

The report also found military intelligence in Northern Ireland helped to prolong the Troubles in the late 1980s. 

Its key findings were: 

- Actions or omissions by security forces led to deaths of innocent people 
- Murders of solicitor Pat Finucane and student Adam Lambert could have been prevented. 
- Collusion in both murders of Pat Finucane and Adam Lambert 


Government minister was compromised in House of Commons 

Three official inquiries wilfully obstructed and misled 

The report, which centres on the murder of Catholic solicitor Pat Finucane in 1989 and Protestant student Adam Lambert in 1987, was delivered to Northern Ireland Chief Constable Hugh Orde on Thursday 17 April. 

After receiving the April 2003 report, the chief constable said Sir John in his 21 recommendations had stressed the importance of the criminal investigation. 

"He confirmed that he had today sent a large file to the Director of Public Prosecutions to decide what to do in terms of criminal charges and whether prosecutions should be brought," said Mr Orde. 

He said many of the police officers questioned in the Stevens investigation had since retired. 

Mr Orde said he was determined that there would be no collusion under his command. 

The Finucane family has always believed the security forces were involved in his murder and have dismissed the report. 

His widow, Geraldine, said a full judicial inquiry was the only way to deal with the issue. 

Mr Finucane, a high-profile Catholic solicitor, was shot dead by the UDA in front of his family at his north Belfast home. 

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IFC NewsList April 17, 2003
Inquiry results: BRITISH ARMY COLLUSION in MURDERS


Stevens Report – Download (PDF)

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Subject: Provo war is over but nobody noticed
Date: Tuesday November 4, 2003
"We are opposed to any use or threat of force for any political purpose" - Gerry Adams' "War is Over" speech
"The leadership ... welcomed today's speech by Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams, in which he accurately reflects our position." - Provisional 'army' leadership 

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Sunday Business Post
Tuesday November 4, 2003

The IRA war is over but nobody noticed 
By Vincent Browne

Last Tuesday morning, the IRA said the war was over. 

Nobody noticed. Gerry Adams and the IRA also clearly signalled that not alone was the war over, but the IRA was over. Again, no one noticed. 

Sure, General de Chastelain made a mess of his press conference, and his coyness over what arms had been decommissioned overnight was infuriating for unionists, but that was a side game. By far the most important message of the day was what Adams said and what the IRA said in response. 

In a wordy and characteristically intricate speech on Tuesday morning, Adams said: "Sinn Féin's position is one of total and absolute commitment to exclusively democratic and peaceful means of resolving differences." 

Nothing new in that. Sinn Féin was required to sign up to this principle in the Good Friday Agreement, and he has said this repeatedly over the last five years. 

However, on Tuesday morning, he went much further. 

"We are opposed to any use or threat of force for any political purpose," he said. 

Now, as far as I am aware, Adams has never said this before. Sure, he has said that Sinn Féin was committed to solely peaceful means, but to say that it was opposed to the use or threat of force? Never before. 

What it means is that if the IRA were ever again to use force or threaten to use it, then Sinn Féin and Adams would disown it. 

That in itself was a seismic development, but the earth moved again on Tuesday morning. The IRA could have made the usual bland assertions of its wish to support the peace process and gone on to claim credit for decommissioning an unspecified amount of weapons. It could simply have ignored what Adams said, signalling that it was prepared to allow Sinn Féin this latitude, but that it reserved its position on the future use of force. 

Instead, it said: "The leadership of the IRA welcomed today's speech by Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams, in which he accurately reflects our position." 

The IRA welcoming a speech that opposes the use of force or the threat of force for political purposes? And then going on to say that this "accurately reflects our position". And no one notices or pays any attention? 

The raison d'etre of the IRA has been to use force and/or to threaten force for a political purpose, that is, a united Ireland. 

So if Adams and the IRA agree to oppose the use or threat of force for any political purpose, isn't that saying the IRA is no more? At least, if not immediately, then certainly in the medium and longer terms? 

It might be argued that it is far-fetched to read such significance into a political speech and a generalised endorsement of that by a linked organisation. 

But this is not so in the case of Adams and the IRA. They are Jesuitical in their use of words, especially in the area of the use or threat of force for political purposes. 

The Adams speech would have undergone several drafts, and its minutiae approved by the IRA army council. The brief general endorsement would have been entirely deliberate. 

This is a very significant development. It is on a par with the acknowledgement in 1993 in the Hume/Adams statement at the beginning of the peace process that peace could be secure only with the agreement of all sections of the people. That signalle d a republican acceptance that a united Ireland could not be secured over the heads of unionists. 

There was a further development in the background last Tuesday. It was the willingness of the republican movement to support the new police force in the context of the implementation of proposals which everyone else agrees to and in the context of a promise of devolution of responsibility for policing and security. 

The engagement of republicans in the police force is the crucial last part of the jigsaw in copperfastening peace in the North. 

With an agreed police force, there can be no paramilitary organisations and no private hoardings of illegal arms. It is a further signal that the game is over and done with. 

However, all that was overlooked last Tuesday, and the hapless, exhausted general made it worse in that disastrous press conference. Now, the whole house of cards may come tumbling down - well, not the whole house, but the peace process part of it. 

The elections now set for November 26 can hardly be called off. Following the debacle of last Tuesday, it seems certain that unionist voters will return a majority of antiagreement members to the Assembly, with the DUP being the biggest party (Sinn Féin could be the biggest party overall!). 

This means there will be no power-sharing executive or assembly in the North for years, and perhaps the British will capitulate and back off the Good Friday Agreement. 

From the beginning of this peace process, there has been a failure to convince the unionist community of the major gains the agreement represented for it. 

Unionists have never perceived how nationalist Ireland capitulated in that agreement by acknowledging that the constitutional position of the North could change only with the agreement of a majority in the North - the core of Irish nationalism was always that it was the people of Ireland as a whole that had the right to decide the future of the island. 

That cognitive distortion has been compounded by the failure to perceive the mega change signalled by Adams and the IRA last Tuesday. 

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Subject: Prison Warders Asked For Attacks, Say Loyalists
Date: November 3, 2003 

-----------------------------

Derry Journal 
November 3, 2003

Warders Asked For Attacks, Says UDA

THE UDA has called for an end to attacks on prison officers' homes.

The terror group claimed to have evidence that some officers had approached paramilitary groups, asking them to organise attacks so that they could get £17,000 home security grants.

In a statement last night, the largest loyalist paramilitary group said the situation in the prisons had the potential to destabilise the peace process.

"The UFF/UDA and its entire organisation totally condemn any attacks on the homes of prison officers, their families and their property," it said.

"They call on anyone carrying out such attacks to stop immediately.''

Last week, the Prison Officers' Association announced an overtime ban in response to a wave of attacks on officers' homes.

POA chairman Finlay Spratt said his members were considering a one-day strike this week to step up their protest against attacks by loyalist paramilitaries campaigning for segregation from republicans.

In response to the UDA statement, Mr Spratt said: "If the UDA has information that prison officers have approached it to attack their homes then they should make this information available to the PSNI.

"I don't want that type of person in the job but I would have to greet that statement with scepticism.

"Certainly, I welcome any statement from any paramilitary organisation calling for an end to the attacks on prison officers' homes but translating these calls into action on the ground is what is needed.''

Earlier, a group representing UDA inmates called on the Government to bring the Army in to help run the prisons.

Frankie Gallagher of the Prisoner Aid Networking Group said the situation at Maghaberry prison in Co Antrim was at '' exploding point'' following the overtime ban.

"The Government must bring in the Army before the situation gets any worse,'' he said.

Mr Gallagher said that, if the situation continued, prisoners' families would take legal action against management of the Prison Service and the POA.

"The management of the Northern Ireland Prison Service no longer legally provides the duty of care to inmates in accordance with their statutory duty,'' he said.

Mr Gallagher said that his group was lobbying organisations, including the UDA, in a bid to bring the attacks to an end.

He called on the POA to carry out the threat of strike action.

"The prisoners at Maghaberry and their families, as well as prisoners' welfare groups would welcome Finlay Spratt and the POA fulfilling their threat to go on strike so that this situation can be resolved once and for all.''

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FOR FURTHER READING see:
IFC NewsList October 31, 2003 Republican Prisoners and their families put at risk due to prison strike 
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Subject: Net is closing in on Dublin/Monaghan bombers 
Date: Sunday November 2, 2003

The 1974 Dublin/Monaghan twin bombings remain the deadliest attack upon innocent civilians on either side of the border in the history of the Troubles.  The coordinated attacks were extremely sophisticated, and ample evidence exists pointing to the direct involvement of the British military.  For further reading see the links below the story.


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"In all, 48 people were killed and almost 400 others injured by loyalist paramilitaries south of the border during the troubles. Yet not a single individual has been convicted of any of these murders. "

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(Irish) Sunday Independent
Sunday November 2, 2003

Net is closing in on Dublin car bombers 
JOE TIERNAN 

LAST Wednesday, the long-awaited report into the worst atrocity of the troubles - the 1974 Dublin and Monaghan bombings, which killed 33 people and injured almost 300 - was presented to the Taoiseach by its author, Justice Henry Barron. 

Within the next two weeks, Bertie Ahern will present it to his Cabinet colleagues and then to the joint Oireachtas Committee on Justice, Equality and Women's Rights. It's believed a heavily edited version will later be passed to the Justice for the Forgotten group, which represents the victims' families, and this version will be published later. 

The findings of the report (estimated to be almost 300 pages long) will have far-reaching implications not just for the authorities here - most particularly the Gardai who failed to track down the perpetrators - but also for the British, whose security forces are firstly accused of involvement and, secondly, of failing to cooperate with the Gardai during the 1974 investigation. 

And for the relatives of those killed as well as those injured, the report marks another milestone in their 29-year quest for justice. 

The enquiry, led first by Judge Liam Hamilton, who died shortly after assuming his duties, and latterly by retired Supreme Court Judge Henry Barron, has taken 46 months and cost in excess of €1.5m. In the course of the enquiry, investigators have been delving into the goings-on between loyalist paramilitaries and their undercover allies in the various branches of security forces during the 1970s. 

And it's not just Dublin and Monaghan which came under the microscope. At the behest of relatives and other interested groups, Barron widened his remit to include a raft of other contiguous events; most notably the Dublin bombings of 1972 and 1973, the Dundalk bombing of 1975, the murders of John Francis 
Green in Monaghan, in 1975 and Seamus Ludlow in Dundalk, in 1976. 

In all, 48 people were killed and almost 400 others injured by loyalist paramilitaries south of the border during the troubles. Yet not a single individual has been convicted of any of these murders. Today relatives of the victims say this is a scandal and point to the glaring disparity between the success of the British police against Republicans operating on the mainland during the same period and the "abysmal failure" of the Garda to apprehend loyalists operating down here. 

So will there be justice at the end of it all? Many of the families are both sceptical and cynical. 

"It was too long ago, many of the killers are now dead and I simply don't believe the Irish government has either the bottle or the evidence to see this thing through. It's not like Omagh. Omagh was just recently," says Jim Sharkey whose uncle was abducted and murdered by loyalists north of Dundalk in 1976. 

From the outset, the enquiry was faced with an invidious task - where to draw the line? Should it enquire into all 48 murders or should it stick to its original terms of reference, Dublin and Monaghan 1974? 

In the end, Judge Barron appears to have opted for the middle road: to enquire into those cases about which he has been petitioned by families of those killed and injured. The end result may prove unsatisfactory as families of a number of "excluded" victims have already voiced their concerns. 

Anthony Reilly, from Belburbet, Co Cavan, whose 15-year-old sister was killed in an explosion in the town centre in 1972, says no one asked them if they 
wished to be included. 

"We have been left to suffer our loss here for 31 years and no one, not even the Gardai, came near us to tell us what happened. It's just not good enough," he said. 

Seventy-four-year-old Anna Mone from Castleblayney, whose husband was killed in an explosion in the town in 1976, says she has petitioned the government for the last four years but she has not been included. 

So what has Barron unearthed then? According to sources close to the enquiry, the report does not paint a pretty picture. Allegations of British Army and Special Branch involvement, Garda bungling during the investigation, contamination of forensic evidence, lack of RUC cooperation, and perhaps the most serious charge of all - failure of Garda management to keep the government of the day informed of the crisis. 

On the operational side, the evidence presented to Barron states, among other things: 

1. The bombings were planned by the UVF leadership in Belfast, Lurgan and Portadown throughout the latter months of 1973 and in early 1974 and were deliberately timed to coincide with the 1974 UWC strike which brought down the power-sharing Sunningdale Agreement. 

2. A team of up to 20 loyalists (mainly UVF but also some UDA men) travelled south to execute the two operations on the day, May 17 1974. 

3. The team was led by Billy Hanna and Robin Jackson from Lurgan and Wesley Summerville from Moygashel, Co Tyrone (all of whom, bar Hanna, were involved in the Miami Showband ambush north of Newry 14 months later). Hanna and Jackson were run as agents by a team of British Army Intelligence Officers based at Army HQ in Lisburn. It is these officers, whose names are known to the Sunday Independent, who are accused of plotting the attacks. 

4. The Dublin bombs were assembled and stored at a farmhouse in a loyalist area of South Armagh and were transported by Jackson and Hanna to the car park of the Coachman's Inn pub on the Swords road near Dublin Airport on the morning of the attacks. Later that day they were 'wired up' by Hanna and loaded into three separate cars where loyalists drove them to the city centre. (The car park had been used by traders for decades previously who thronged it with vans and lorries each Friday hawking and peddling goods. It provided the ideal cover for loading the bombs). 

5. The grounds of the nearby Holy Child Catholic Church at Collins Avenue, Whitehall, was also used as a transit point for the bomb cars and the getaway cars. 

6. Each bomb car was preceded by a scout car from the car park to its destination. The scout car was then used in the getaway. 

7. All Dublin bombers escaped by fleeing through the city centre and crossing the border near Hackballs Cross in Co Louth before 7.30pmapproximately. 

8. The Monaghan bomb, which exploded 90 minutes after the Dublin bombs, was designed to "pull gardai away" from the Hackballs Cross area, leaving a gap to allow the Dublin bombers to cross. 

9. The Monaghan bomb was organised from Armagh and the operation was led by a notorious UVF commander from Portadown who drove the bomb car into the town. He is now hiding in Scotland. 

Throughout the four-year investigation, the enquiry team has been trawling through the entire 1974 Garda file. A number of scientific studies of the bombings by military and explosives experts have also been commissioned by Barron's team. 

However, the main goal (and the main stumbling block) of the enquiry has been to try to assemble enough hard evidence to prosecute named suspects, still 
living. If such evidence is deemed by the Dublin authorities to be in the report, then extradition warrants for the arrest of the suspects will be prepared. The suspects - some are still in Northern Ireland, others are living in England or Scotland - would then be handed over to the Garda. 

So who has Barron interviewed then? Pretty well just about everyone who matters in this tragic, evanescent story: from former government ministers to 
retired Garda commissioners, to gardai who collated evidence on the streets, to witnesses who allegedly saw suspicious activity on the day. 

He has also met a number of officials from the British side including Dr John Reid, during his term as Northern Secretary. Barron is anxious to extract 
from the British as much information as possible about the bombings, but according to all accounts, cooperation has been less than full. Former RUC 
files have been reopened but the shutters have come down on the sensitive subject of collusion. 

Bertie Ahern said recently that while information had been provided by the British, it would be foolish to believe that "all had been received". 

Another of the problems Barron has faced is that the 1974 investigation was almost exclusively a Garda one, because the offences were committed in the 
south. At the time, police in Belfast and Armagh interviewed a number of witnesses, including some people whose cars had been stolen but the old RUC 
files are believed to be scant. 

Also adding to Barron's woes is the fact that most of the senior Garda officers who worked on the 1974 investigation are now dead. However, one important figure, still alive and who travelled to Government Buildings where Barron and his team are based, is retired Detective Inspector Colm Browne, who spent most of his police career on the border. 

A Protestant from County Wicklow, Browne was known as a "super investigator" who spearheaded many of the major murder hunts in the 1970s including the murder of Captain Robert Nairac in 1977. 

In 1974 Browne and the head of the murder squad, Dan Murphy (now dead) visited Tenant Street RUC station in the Shankill, but were refused cooperation by the RUC. Dan Murphy later told colleagues that the reception he and Browne received was so hostile that the two men feared for their lives. 

Sharp criticism of the Garda in Barron's report is believed to centre on a number of key operational areas during the initial year-long investigation in 1974/75. Chief among them was the failure of the Technical Bureau to preserve scientific evidence collected from the bomb scenes and a six-day delay in sending it to the Science Laboratory which, ironically, at the time happened to be in Belfast. In a report, seen by the Sunday Independent, the head of the Science laboratory in Belfast at the time, Dr Hall criticised, among other things, the delay, saying ". . . identification of the explosives used can be achieved providing the correct samples are received within six hours". 

So where do we go from here? Following the report's publication, the Oireachtas Committee will hold public hearings before issuing its own report. In this, the Committee will make recommendations to the Government on further action. 

If evidence against British security forces is compelling, then there is little doubt that the government will come under intense pressure to establish a full judicial public inquiry where witnesses will be compelled to give evidence under oath - unlike the Barron enquiry where information given was voluntary. However, the cost and duration of the other tribunals at Dublin Castle will weigh against such a prospect. 

Joe Tiernan is author of The Dublin and Monaghan Bombings and The Murder 
Triangle which will be published shortly.

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IFC NewsList - January 12, 2003  Army link to Dublin Bombings  http://members.freespeech.org/irishpows/bb3/january_2003.htm#Army_'link_Dublinbombings

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Subject: Loyalists want British army to run jails 
Date: November 2, 2003 

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SUNDAY 02/11/2003 15:33:16 UTV 
Loyalists want army to run jails 


A group representing loyalist inmates today called on the Government to bring the Army in to help run Northern Ireland's prisons. 
By:Press Association 

Frankie Gallagher, of the Prisoner Aid Networking Group (PANG), said the situation at Maghaberry Prison in Co Antrim was at ``exploding point`` following the overtime ban started by prison officers last week. 

``The Government must bring in the Army before the situation gets any worse,`` said Mr Gallagher, whose organisation represents the interests of UDA prisoners.`` 

Mr Gallagher said if the situation continued prisoners` families would take legal action against management of the Northern Ireland Prison Service and the Prison Officers` Association (POA) which initiated the ban. 

``The management of the Northern Ireland Prison Service no longer legally provides the duty of care to inmates in accordance with their statutory duty,`` he added. 

Last week, the chairman of the POA, Finlay Spratt said his members were considering a one-day strike to step up their protest against attacks on their homes by loyalist paramilitaries campaigning for segregation from republicans. 

The officers are demanding increased home security to protect them from the wave of attacks. 

Mr Spratt said they were considering holding a strike next Wednesday. 

``They tell us that it`s unlawful for prison officers to take industrial action but we have our backs to the wall,`` he said. 

``The security of our families is more important to us than any law.`` 

Mr Gallagher, who said his group was lobbying organisations including the UDA in a bid to bring the attacks to an end, called on the POA to carry out the threat of strike action. 

``The prisoners at Maghaberry and their families, as well as prisoners` welfare groups, would welcome Finlay Spratt and the POA fulfilling their threat to go on strike so that this situation can be resolved once and for all,`` he said.

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FOR FURTHER READING see:
IFC NewsList October 31, 2003 Republican Prisoners and their families put at risk due to prison strike 
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Subject: Kidnapped by Provos - Brendan Rice in "The Blanket"
Date: November 2, 2003

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The Blanket
November 2, 2003

Kidnapped 
by Anthony McIntyre

Mothers throughout Haiti threaten their children with the legend of Ton Ton Macoute, the malevolent spirit who comes in the night and steals bad children from their beds. What these women and their children do not realize is that the danger is very, very real, and it's not just the bad children who are taken. 
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When Brendan Rice called to my home, it was the first time I had met him. He and a relative had made the journey from Newcastle, County Down. It is only an hour’s drive from Belfast and the road between the two has been well covered by holidaymakers for as long as people care to remember. Hardly surprising that Newcastle deservedly makes the news as a tourist attraction and not as a town at the hub of political controversy and violence. Throughout my time in prison, the amount of Newcastle men I met could just about be counted on the fingers of one foot. Well, there was one, possibly two.

I had previously spoken to one of the men, who now sat at my kitchen table, on the phone. Earlier, an approach had been made via a third party. I took the number and made a mental note to ring but it went clean out of my head. Within days the third party was back on the phone pressing me to contact the Rice family. The matter was urgent and it had escaped me. Perhaps it was because the type of incident that was to be raised had been dealt with so many times before that it had sort of become routine. Brendan Shannon, Stephen Moore, Kevin Perry, Danny McBrearty … and on it goes. Totally unfair to those in search of help when those they seek it from file away their concerns as if it were yesterday’s newspaper. I thought of other situations, much worse than our own sordid and squalid bickering which we continue to dignify with the term ‘conflict’ and ‘which we are in ‘struggle’ trying to resolve. I recalled Jacabo Timerman, meeting families of loved ones hauled off by the Argentinean military while he was a newspaper editor before he too was hauled off and tortured for championing the cause of the disappeared. I wondered if he ever grew complacent. A momentary lapse in Buenos Aires could mean the difference between life and death; a roll on effect beginning with a call not made, an official paper authorising continued detention or release not signed, a helicopter journey for some drugged and tortured victim to a watery grave not aborted. 

Our task here is immeasurably easier. While we do our utmost to protect those republicans under threat from pro-state factions, there is no real comparison that can be drawn between the repression those republicans experience and that undergone by Argentinean leftists. Since the ceasefires there have been at most two physical force republicans murdered by forces loyal to the Stormont regime. We don’t live in constant fear of Sinn Fein coming round to spirit us away in the middle of the night and ghost us off to an unmarked grave. When asked by people do I think the Sinn Fein leadership will ever order the murder of any of The Blanket’s writers, I invariably respond, ‘probably not.’ 

I rang the number passed on to me and after a short conversation arranged a meeting. When they arrived I was struck by the sense of anger they exuded. It was the anger of impotence in the face of abusive power. I had seen it before, felt it traverse through my veins while trying to prevent my face from making contact with the urine stained black floor of a H-Block corridor in the 1970s and ‘80s; during the mirror search while on blanket protest when solitariness, nakedness and silence come face to face with organised teams, uniforms and harsh commands. 

Brendan Rice’s story was simple. I could have narrated it myself by now. The experience is the same, only the names and locations are different. Around 10pm on a Saturday evening a number of weeks ago he was about to enter his home when a group of men approached him and began to attack him. ‘They used their fists and feet and threatened to shoot me if I did not stop resisting them’. Although they told Brendan they were armed they did not produce any weapons. Once he was subdued they stated that they were members of the Provisional IRA and told him that he was under arrest. ‘With or without their PSNI uniforms?’ I enquired of him, sarcasm lacing my words. 

Once his captors secured him by binding his wrists and ankles with plastic straps, he was kicked in the face and sustained a broken nose. The image of H-Block 4’s Senior Officer letting me have his soft black boot full throttle in the face in September 1978 as I lay on the floor with my hands pinioned behind my back flooded my mind. Power loves to kick in the face when its victim is sprawling and defenceless. It is enamoured of the notion that its target can actually see the boot coming but is helpless to deflect it. 

Brendan Rice was then bundled into a van, trussed up and blindfolded, and driven for some distance. He was taken out of the vehicle and then put in an outbuilding for approximately 15 minutes before being transported to a car and then to the roads once again. At the end of this second journey he was taken to another outbuilding and was questioned throughout the night by three men taking it in turns to be his interrogator. The allegations they levelled at him were that he was involved in extortion. ‘Did you answer them?’ I asked, hoping that his reply would have been that he told them his name, address and that he was over 21. That’s what we always told cops and nothing could induce us to volunteer anything more than was required by law. Why treat Sinn Fein’s cops any differently? 

I couldn't answer questions I knew nothing about. Yet they continued to beat me about the head with their fists and they kicked me also. They threatened to shoot me or put me in a barrel of water and hold me under until I told them what they wanted to he